Abstract For the majority of its history, the Just War Tradition (JWT) has attempted to limit the occurrence of violence in the violent world it found itself. Today, out of noble causes, the same...Show moreAbstract For the majority of its history, the Just War Tradition (JWT) has attempted to limit the occurrence of violence in the violent world it found itself. Today, out of noble causes, the same tradition is becoming more interventionist by incentivizing the market for force in which Private Military and Security Companies have carved out a role for themselves. In this thesis the origin of the normalization of private violence in JWT will be accounted for and how it allows for more violence, rather than limiting it. These so-called PMSCs will be analyzed in two ways. The theological origin of arguments permitting their usage will be accounted for before analyzing the risks that comes with this. The latter part will be the main focus and is done by following the principles laid out by Aquino: 1) legitimate authority, 2) just cause, and 3) right intention. By looking at the state of the art of PMSC ethics, the debates in contemporary JWT will be accused of being disagreements in details, and not concerned with the theological foundations of their convictions. Namely, by accounting for the privatized turn JWT took, I will show how a cosmopolitan politics is causing this relaxing of norms and is at risk of being permissible to increases of violence. This originated in Pelagian theology who argued for the possibility of human perfection through social and moral progress. Kantian liberalism, the modern equivalent of this belief, has prioritized just cause over other principles and moves the JWT away from one of its core functions; namely, limiting the destructiveness of war. The other core function is to limit injustices, which has devolved into the attempt to eradicate all injustices and overturns ethical positions on private violence.Show less
This thesis tries to research the JCPOA and the German / French official and medial reaction to it and to establish a connection of this with the state of European foreign policy.
This thesis explores what role cities play in promoting and implementing human rights. In particular, the thesis delves into the Human Rights Cities movement through a case study of Amsterdam as a ...Show moreThis thesis explores what role cities play in promoting and implementing human rights. In particular, the thesis delves into the Human Rights Cities movement through a case study of Amsterdam as a ‘human rights city’. Inspired by a growing global movement of ‘human rights cities’, Amsterdam has expressed its commitment to incorporating human rights in its policy-making. This thesis shows cities have increasingly claimed a role for themselves in international human rights politics and have cooperated on human rights initiatives with a range of actors globally. The Human Rights Cities movement points to the potential of cities to innovate human rights promotion and implementation through integrating human rights in daily local government work and through the ‘localization’ of rights. Its focus on enhancing participation might also lead to the ‘renegotiation’ of rights, making them more effective and meaningful for people’s daily lives in cities. However, this potential of the movement is also limited by inequal power relations, neoliberal influences and inadequate resources.Show less
A socio-historical, comparative curriculum study in both time (1945-2010s) and space (France, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands) concerning the representation of European identity in two types...Show moreA socio-historical, comparative curriculum study in both time (1945-2010s) and space (France, Italy, Luxembourg and the Netherlands) concerning the representation of European identity in two types of secondary school curricula: the formal curricula of these four Western European countries and the so-called 'ideological curricula' consisting out of international recommendations from the Council of Europe and UNESCO. The starting point of the research is that a majority of citizens in the European Union consider themselves to feel 'European' in one way or another according to Eurobarometer surveys. The thesis further explores the relationship with curriculum reforms and international educational organisations since 1945. The idea of having complementary, international forms of identity and citizenship requires the increase of international understanding among citizens over time. Meanwhile, fostering international understanding has generally been the main purpose of UNESCO. Curriculum construction is a comprehensive, unfathomable process, but the four cases of formal curricula demonstrate the rise of a global scope in history education throughout the decades. The thesis suggests that education can be understood as a gearwheel accelerating the processes of European integration that were already in place.Show less
Over the last two decades, we have observed a surge in support for populist parties. As populism is known to thrive on crisis, the current COVID-19 pandemic provides an interesting case to study...Show moreOver the last two decades, we have observed a surge in support for populist parties. As populism is known to thrive on crisis, the current COVID-19 pandemic provides an interesting case to study its nature. This thesis tests whether the three-folded paradox of populism observed in the U.S. by Rogers Brubaker (2020) holds for the Netherlands and Germany, by means of a comparative discourse analysis. This analysis covers the Twitter discourse of Dutch politicians Geert Wilders and Thierry Baudet, and the German populist party, Alternative für Deutschland, during the first wave of COVID-19. This thesis thereby enters the conceptual debate on populism, arguing the observed discourse to not convey a consistent ideology, but instead to adhere to certain stylistic elements that could be qualified as characteristic of a populist political style. Moreover, the comparative analysis will shed light on whether the rise of populism can be classified as a global, perhaps ideological phenomenon, or whether national characteristics also play a role. Throughout this thesis, the role and importance of the contemporary media landscape with its various online channels for the mobilisation of contemporary populists are taken into consideration. As a surge in populist rhetoric could further uproot the established global political landscape, understanding this phenomenon is of high importance for the future of international relations.Show less
This thesis investigates Germany’s interpretation of European Strategic Autonomy by looking at its strategic culture. Germany’s strategic culture, developed following World War II, emphasizes the...Show moreThis thesis investigates Germany’s interpretation of European Strategic Autonomy by looking at its strategic culture. Germany’s strategic culture, developed following World War II, emphasizes the importance of multilateralism, military restraint, and upholding the status quo. Using these elements, the thesis will evaluate how the idea of ESA aligns with Germany’s strategic culture. This paper uses an interdisciplinary lens to draw upon the disciplines of history, sociology, psychology, political science, and international relations. Along with interviews and a content analysis of primary and secondary sources, the analysis shows that Germany’s strategic culture does influence its interpretation of ESA, which effects its ambition on the topic. This is a relevant topic as in September 2021, Germany will elect a new Chancellor, offering the opportunity to transition its security and defense policies.Show less
Academic and popular interest in Russia’s ‘compatriot protection’ surged after the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014. Fears of ‘Crimea’ constituting a precedent rather than an isolated case were...Show moreAcademic and popular interest in Russia’s ‘compatriot protection’ surged after the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014. Fears of ‘Crimea’ constituting a precedent rather than an isolated case were common, with journalists and scholars going to lengths as to which post-Soviet republic with a sizeable Russian-speaking population would be the next ‘domino’ in the ‘domino effect’ that Crimea was argued to bring about. Much has been written about Russia’s ‘compatriot protection’ since, but much less has been written about the factors favorable to the hypothesized replication of ‘Crimea’ for individual cases such as Belarus. By transforming Laruelle’s study of Russian secessionism in Kazakhstan into a more broadly applicable analytical framework, this thesis ultimately suggests that the conditions in Belarus – the lack of focus of ‘compatriot issues’ in Russia-Belarus relations, the difficulty of delineating a ‘Russian part’ of Belarus and its population, and the lack of a grassroots organizational framework – are ultimately unfavorable to Russian-sponsored secessionism.Show less
This thesis tests the case of the Arctic Council, the leading international organization focused exclusively on the northernmost region on earth, against Liberalism and other theories of...Show moreThis thesis tests the case of the Arctic Council, the leading international organization focused exclusively on the northernmost region on earth, against Liberalism and other theories of International Relations. Established in 1996 and including former Cold War opponents Russia and the United States among its signatories, the Council’s existence as a platform for cooperation so soon after the Cold War highlights its global and historical significance. By looking at the core of the Arctic Council, this thesis highlights its development as an international organization and aims to underline how military confrontations have been kept to a minimum. Since its establishment, the Council has faced a multitude of challenges as an international organization where the environmental change has facilitated access to more natural resources in the Arctic, catching the attention of other states and organizations who wish to exploit these changes to their own benefit. This thesis concludes that the Arctic Council has developed into a more structured international organization and can be evaluated to be a successful one. This research suggests the cooperation between the Arctic states within the Arctic Council can be a preventing factor for military confrontation from escalating in the region. The Council is argued to have acted within its geostrategic framework, been successful in what it was established to do and adapted to a changing landscape in the region at the same time. To stay within their stated mission and act within their geostrategic framework to reduce military tension is argued the lesson to be learned for other international organizations from the case of the Arctic Council.Show less
The fourth industrial revolution (4IR) is seen as the fourth time that a series of technological innovations will revolutionise the production and movement of goods. The prospect of a 4IR also...Show moreThe fourth industrial revolution (4IR) is seen as the fourth time that a series of technological innovations will revolutionise the production and movement of goods. The prospect of a 4IR also sprouted a debate surrounding the socioeconomic implications that may come with these technological innovations. The 4IR could have grave consequences for low-skilled labourers. For example, the automation of production may result in a predicament where human labour can no longer compete with machines, which may decrease demand for low-skilled labour or make it redundant. As a result, in highly developed countries growing job insecurities may accelerate the growth of a “new dangerous class” called the precariat. This class could put pressure the political foundations of capitalist democratic societies. Moreover, in developing countries, automation of production may result in companies deciding to relocate their production back to highly developed countries where most of their consumers are based. As a consequence, developing countries can no longer depend on their comparative advantage of having an abundance of cheap labour. Hence, one can argue that the development strategy of development by way of industrialisation may become unworkable. In short, the 4IR may increase the gap between rich and poor, decrease social mobility and increased labour insecurity; all of which resonate with some of the contradictions that Karl Marx thought were endemic to the capitalist economy. This thesis will investigate this predicament through an analysis of the socioeconomic effects emerging from the 4IR and relating this to Marx’s critique of capitalism. The thesis aims to add to existing literature on Marx by considering the relevance of Marx in the 21st century.Show less
The primary goal of this article is to identify the correlation between European integration and the transition to renewable sources of electricity. Several factors, such as environmental concerns...Show moreThe primary goal of this article is to identify the correlation between European integration and the transition to renewable sources of electricity. Several factors, such as environmental concerns and depleting deposits of fossil-fuels, have made the European Union and its member-states decide that in order to secure accessible, cheap and stable electricity, new sources of energy are required. The premise of this article is that past and contemporary European integration in energy policies is built upon energy security in correlation with the specific characteristics of fossil-fuels. The result is a unique combination of international cooperation and national sovereignty which needs to be identified and understood. Therefore, this article will first of all identify past European energy policies based on fossil-fuels. These are the founding documents of the European Coal and Steel Community and the European response to the 1973 oil crisis. These events will be followed by an analysis of EU-wide energy policies in recent year. In the following chapter, several forms of energy which can act as a substitute to fossil-fuels in the EU will be analysed, to precisely define what their specific characteristics are and how they can potentially be used to reduce dependency on fossil-fuels. When this is done, the three case-studies of the Netherlands, Sweden and Bulgaria will serve as a description of how states are currently approaching the transition to renewable sources of electricity, and what kind of problems and limitations they identify. The decision has been made to identify three individual states instead of the EU as a whole because of the fact that each state is in a unique position and is therefore deserving of an individual analysis. This study is relevant because in contemporary academic literature, the topics of European integration in energy policies and renewable energy is often overlooked. Most experts either focus on identifying European policies or the technical aspects of renewable energy, but they are seldom combined. This is problematic because it is almost certain that an increased reliance on renewable energy will have profound effects on societies in EU-member states and on the way the EU is integrated regarding energy policies. The question is therefore not if there is a connection between European integration and renewable sources of electricity, but how the transition to renewable sources in electricity generation influences European Integration within the field of energy cooperation. This article is meant to form as a basis for further research in the connection between the transition to renewable sources of energy and European integration and will therefore be a combination of a description and an analysis.Show less
Much has been written about dissident regions such as Abkhazia, South Ossetia or Transnistria. Unfortunately until today little attention is given to Gagauzia, a dissident region that rejected the...Show moreMuch has been written about dissident regions such as Abkhazia, South Ossetia or Transnistria. Unfortunately until today little attention is given to Gagauzia, a dissident region that rejected the current Moldovan rapprochement towards the EU in its local referendum, organized in 2014. In contemporary academic literature very little is known about the influence of dissident regions like Gagauzia, Transnistria or Abkhazia on the EU rapprochement of their sovereign nation. Along with interviews and other primary sources a model is provided to discover the influence of the three mentioned dissident regions on the EU rapprochement. This research, at least, enriches the current existing academic literature regarding Gagauzia, at the same time it deeply emphasises the limited influence of dissident regions on sovereign nations’ EU rapprochement.Show less
Using an existing framework, it is argued that the EUs identity is quantifiable, with the use of role conceptions (RCs), allowing the comparison of the EUs identity development over time and space,...Show moreUsing an existing framework, it is argued that the EUs identity is quantifiable, with the use of role conceptions (RCs), allowing the comparison of the EUs identity development over time and space, by capturing the values, interests and objectives of the EU, as expressed by consecutive High Representatives of the EU. The complex institutional structure, the highly international nature of the EUs foreign policy making machinery, and to some extent public opinion and security concerns are found to define the EUs foreign policy identity. Seeing as the Lisbon Treaty changes and solidifies the quasi-constitutional foundations of the EU, expands its foreign policy capacities by creating the EEAS and the dual hatted position of High Representative of foreign policy and Vice President of the European Commission), permitting increased foreign policy action and legitimacy, it is thought to change the overall balance of RCs, construing the overall identity of the EU. Using an existing role-set presents many challenges, which this thesis tries to overcome by developing a set of rules and expanding the framework. The results show that the EUs identity changes significantly from Solana to Ashton, increasing the representation of the Stabiliser and Promoter/Defender of Peace and Security RCs, and shifting from RCs emphasizing leadership roles to ones emphasizing international cooperation from Ashton to Mogherini. It is argued that these results show that the Lisbon Treaty develops the capabilities to pursue an increasingly active foreign policy, which allows the EU to respond increasingly to its objectives outlined therein. Policy implementation in relation to providing sustainable solutions to conflict, solving the migration crisis and fighting climate change, through international cooperation correlate to the shifts in the EUs identity.Show less
