This paper examines the intrinsic relationship between the Western model of nature conservation and the forced removal of pastoralists, the Maasai, in Tanzania’s Ngorongoro Conservation Area. The...Show moreThis paper examines the intrinsic relationship between the Western model of nature conservation and the forced removal of pastoralists, the Maasai, in Tanzania’s Ngorongoro Conservation Area. The historical background contextualises the origins of so-called fortress conservation in the colonial period and the establishment of protected areas. The research takes a political ecology approach to establish a connection between nature conservation activities of international actors, national policymaking in conservation areas and the impact on the Maasai’s livelihood. The case of the Ngorongoro Conservation Area illustrates the enhancement of securitised nature conservation concerning biodiversity protection of ecosystems. However, this approach excludes indigenous peoples from the discourse of ecosystem protection and is inherently neo-colonial. For a better understanding, it argues for the equal inclusion of indigenous peoples in nature conservation efforts.Show less
Smallholders are far from dead. In many cases around the world, smallholder farmers represent the backbone of rural and national economic development and are considered as both “beneficiaries and...Show moreSmallholders are far from dead. In many cases around the world, smallholder farmers represent the backbone of rural and national economic development and are considered as both “beneficiaries and agents of sustainable development”. The expansion of commodity crops has positively impacted rural livelihoods, providing employment and boosting general well-being among rural communities. This, however, changed the way farmers interact with nature, leading to negative externalities such as deforestation practices, wildlife endangerment and unsustainable working environments. Palm oil (PO) has attracted global attention for its ambiguous and often problematic nature. On the one hand, palm oil’s market rapid growth in Indonesia raised dramatic environmental concerns, as its development has come at the expense of fundamental human rights and biodiverse, carbon-rich tropical forests. On the other hand, it brought rural development and increased the national economy, placing smallholder farmers on a leading position. To investigate this trade-off of growth, the thesis was guided by the research question “how does the inclusion of smallholder farmers in the PO GVC contribute to sustainable inclusive development?” and was supported by the following three sub-questions: 1. What are the socio-economic implications of PO expansion on smallholder farmers in Riau and Jambi provinces? 2. What are the environmental implications of PO expansion in Riau and Jambi and how are these linked to smallholder farming? 3. To what extent has smallholders’ participation in the PO GVC contributed to the shift to the sustainable production of the crop and what facilitates this transition? The thesis was built on the sustainable and inclusive development theoretical framework and shed light on the role of smallholder farmers in enhancing rural livelihoods and boosting national economic growth. The analysis concludes that PO production has played a relevant role in poverty reduction and economic growth in Riau and Jambi, Indonesia. More specifically, its expansion manifested into increased income, access to land and capital, rural development through infrastructure and services and improved household dietary quality and food security. However, because of the strong influence of the Indonesian government's transmigration programme, inequality among farmers arised, as transmigrant smallholder families were given financial and technical support, while autochthonous ones generally were left forgotten. At the same time, palm oil expansion has replaced substantial amounts of tropical forests and led to numerous land conflicts across Indonesia.Show less
A review of the literature on the political landscape of post-revolutionary Egypt identifies a widening gap between the elite. Scholars highlight the dominance of the Egyptian military’s business...Show moreA review of the literature on the political landscape of post-revolutionary Egypt identifies a widening gap between the elite. Scholars highlight the dominance of the Egyptian military’s business empire, a combination of high-ranking government officials and big corporations that together forms the elite. In 2011, the people of Egypt successfully overthrew an authoritarian regime paving the way towards a democratic state and a relieve of economic injustice. To date, the people of Egypt still find themselves in positions defined by inequality of opportunity, why? Contributing to critical scholarship, this thesis builds upon various scholars to gain insights into the different mechanisms and social drivers that keep the elite in a position of dominance and identifies areas in which the public can acquire political power. Three spheres of power; politics, economics, and media, are explored to highlight the social relations that are often hidden in organizational structures. This research provides a new answer to the question why, and how, the elite maintains its dominant position in a state that desires democracy and civil liberty. The implementation of a combination of theories examines the class division and distribution of power to answer this thesis’ main research question: Through which means can the people of Egypt gain political, media and economic power to achieve democratic governance? The findings of this thesis provide a contextualized account of the division of power in Egypt and give attention to the mechanisms that shape the relationship between the elite and the people.Show less
China's economic miracle has been one of the most exciting developments in the 21st century. People have always been attempting to find the core incentive behind the unprecedented development,...Show moreChina's economic miracle has been one of the most exciting developments in the 21st century. People have always been attempting to find the core incentive behind the unprecedented development, however, the answer may not be simple as the Statist theories described. The governments' development policies have caught the most attention but the effective negotiating powers from the private sector are largely underestimated. The core secret of the economic miracle is rather "bidirectional" and appears as the result of the power negotiation procedure between the public and private sector. This time we aim to investigate the actual path towards China's prosperity, that would revolutionize what people have assumed, and change the way of how one state could create wealth in the 21st century.Show less
This thesis investigates the effects of neoliberalism on labour and the social reproduction of labour. The thesis provides a literature review of the extensive literature on neoliberalism in...Show moreThis thesis investigates the effects of neoliberalism on labour and the social reproduction of labour. The thesis provides a literature review of the extensive literature on neoliberalism in general and in Egypt before providing a historical account of neoliberal reforms and their effect on the corporatist bargain between labour and the state. It then proceeds to discuss the effects of neoliberalism on informality, welfare and repression. The thesis argues that on all these fronts workers have been increasingly marginalised and forced to live in substandard conditions. Neoliberalism has caused a spike in informal employment and informal settlements. This informality results in decreased working conditions, wages and housing conditions. Another effect of the neoliberal reforms was the reduction of state provision of welfare. This vacuum was filled by private actors, often those families and individuals who benefitted from the neoliberal reforms in the first place. Labour is now dependent on private actors to provide services, which used to be a right based on citizenship. Harvey characterises neoliberal reforms as accumulation through dispossession. Lastly, the thesis claims that resistance to this dispossession has been effectively repressed through legal obstacles, Sisi-linked media narratives securitising resistance and an increased security apparatus. Overall, workers have suffered the brunt of neoliberal reform to the benefit of a select group of elites, who now attempt to form a coalition with the security forces to maintain stability, prevent another 2011 and maintain their accumulated wealth.Show less
This thesis investigates the origins of the 2019 Algerian revolution, attributing it to the failure of the government to stimulate equitable economic growth and unemployment, and widespread...Show moreThis thesis investigates the origins of the 2019 Algerian revolution, attributing it to the failure of the government to stimulate equitable economic growth and unemployment, and widespread corruption amongst the ruling elite. The research applies the late-rentier paradigm, arguing that Algeria underwent a period of supposed reforms in the early 2000s in reaction to an earlier crisis of legitimacy during the 1980s and 1990s.Show less
This thesis examines how liberal democracies rationalise drone warfare. Drawing on the philosophical works of Michel Foucault, Michael Dillon, Julian Reid and Achille Mbembe, I argued that liberal...Show moreThis thesis examines how liberal democracies rationalise drone warfare. Drawing on the philosophical works of Michel Foucault, Michael Dillon, Julian Reid and Achille Mbembe, I argued that liberal democracies rationalise drone warfare through a discourse of biopower – the power over life - that presents drones and drone operators as life-preserving. Lethal drone strikes are rationalised as necessary acts of pre-emptive killing in order to save valuable life (killing to make life live). However, I also found that liberal democracies rationalise drone warfare through a discourse of necropower – the power over death – that deems acceptable the putting to death of entire populations living under drones. Hence, this thesis demonstrates that drone warfare reflects both a biopolitical and a necropolitical rationality.Show less
Failure of governance, including domination, social exclusion, lack of social and economic freedom, and policies that favour elites can lead to social unrest. Causes of conflicts do not only come...Show moreFailure of governance, including domination, social exclusion, lack of social and economic freedom, and policies that favour elites can lead to social unrest. Causes of conflicts do not only come from economic and political grievances, but also from problems of governance. In the Middle East and North Africa, where patronage systems prevail and ethnic and religious tensions are dominant, the need to discuss issues of governance is important. In Syria, where protests from the Arab Spring led to an ongoing civil war, the northern part of the country is following a ‘third way’: the implementation of democratic autonomy and communes in which all ethnic and religious groups live together. The Rojava Revolution is an example of how people, no matter their backgrounds, can live together and where the patriarchal system can be subverted by overcoming nation-state principles. While definitions on the concept of good governance vary, some of its principles are of particular relevance to security, namely accountability, transparency and participation. In this context, this thesis examines the extent to which these political goods have been achieved in the north and east Syria and question whether the structure in place can set an example for rebuilding governance in conflict-affected areas. Examining local governance dynamics and the self-reliant economy in the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, both in relation to regional and local conditions, provides a way to rethink the establishment of a long-lasting ruling coalition in conflict-affected areas under Middle Eastern terms.Show less
The aim of this study is to find out how the occupation in the West Bank is maintained by Israel, the Palestinian Authority, its capitalist class and the aid agencies with its donors. Hereby, the...Show moreThe aim of this study is to find out how the occupation in the West Bank is maintained by Israel, the Palestinian Authority, its capitalist class and the aid agencies with its donors. Hereby, the focus set upon the question what the neoliberal economic policies in the West Bank are and how they play a role in the occupation of it. To answer this question, the thesis will explore the policies of both Israel and the Palestinian Authority next to the policies that are promoted in the West Bank by aid agencies and international donors. Israel’s neoliberal economic policies will be explained through its economic interests in the West Bank, such as land, labour, water and market. Furthermore, the study will look into the neoliberal economic policies of the Palestinian Authority and how the Palestinian capitalist class has been created through these policies. Lastly, the study will highlight the role of international donors and aid agencies in the West Bank and the means in which they apply their influence to promote neoliberal economic policies that sustain the occupation of the West Bank. The study will show that the neoliberal economic policies in the West Bank contribute to its occupation and its dependency on the Israeli economy and international aid. However, not only Israel profits from the occupation, but also the Palestinian Authority and the Palestinian elite through their cooperation with Israel.Show less
The exclusion of women from the economy results in a country loses labour force and hampers its (potential) economic development and prosperity. Nevertheless, the participation rates of women in...Show moreThe exclusion of women from the economy results in a country loses labour force and hampers its (potential) economic development and prosperity. Nevertheless, the participation rates of women in the market are often much lower than those of men, especially in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Women face socio-cultural barriers that restrict their individual freedoms in several areas, for instance their access to education and the (global) market. Their subordinated role towards men is established in various aspects of life: society, economy and politics. At the same time, MENA countries are facing challenges imposed by high youth unemployment and the need to catch up with the global economic progress to stay competitive. Diversification of the economy is one of the main goals in order to keep up with the global economic developments. Diversification means also including more women into the labour market since they often approach challenges of the market different than men.Neoliberal reforms intend to increase the competitiveness of a market by making it accessible for everyone. The claim that I want to investigate is that neoliberalism impacts on the (economic) opportunities of women within the socio-cultural context of their countries. In other words, how do neoliberal reforms impact on female entrepreneurship in the Middle East and North Africa?Show less
This thesis seeks to explore how street children in Cairo are governed. It takes a multi-level approach through examining the public level, aid organizations and the Egyptian government. The way...Show moreThis thesis seeks to explore how street children in Cairo are governed. It takes a multi-level approach through examining the public level, aid organizations and the Egyptian government. The way street children are perceived on these different levels influences policy approach. Street children are rejected by Egyptian society, and a negative stereotype about them dominates the public view. The choices that street children must make in their daily life accentuate these stereotypes. A recent paradigm shift in academia has led aid organizations from viewing street children as passive subjects of charity towards a more human rights-based approach. Despite this paradigm shift, the government has yet to adapt its policy and continues to treat street children as delinquents. This thesis calls for more research on the topic of street children, in order to map out the magnitude of the problem. Furthermore, I suggest that unless street children are perceived the same on all levels, no adequate solution will be found to the growing problem.Show less
This thesis discusses natural resource exploitation in the Western-Sahara through 3 themes: international organization, Morocco's elite & international capital.
Jordan is undoubtedly a highly resilient state. Many scholars have claimed that Jordan constitutes a “hybrid system of governance” combining features of both democracy and autocracy. The main...Show moreJordan is undoubtedly a highly resilient state. Many scholars have claimed that Jordan constitutes a “hybrid system of governance” combining features of both democracy and autocracy. The main debates on the field are increasingly revolving around the persistence of its political stability. The current thesis explores the persistence of the Jordanian monarchy since the onset of its political liberalization in 1989 and demonstrates that the regime in Jordan employed several regime survival strategies, based on legitimation, co-optation and repression in order to ensure its longevity. To better illustrate the current argument, the research that follows attempts a theory testing, based on these three key theories which - with the support of both primary and secondary sources - try to explain the puzzle of monarchical regime endurance in Jordan.Show less
In 2011, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali was ousted from power following the Jasmine Revolution, a series of protests where women played an incredibly vocal and important role. However, this...Show moreIn 2011, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali was ousted from power following the Jasmine Revolution, a series of protests where women played an incredibly vocal and important role. However, this dissertation seeks to argue that ‘The Woman Question’ in Tunisia is now more complicated than ever. Despite the comparatively progressive civil liberties Tunisian women have been granted, the reality women face in Tunisia is much bleaker than initially assumed in 2011. The aspects of co-optation, authoritarianism, class and religion will be used to assess how historically the conflicting issues surrounding women came to be, and the issues women face following the 2011 Jasmine Revolution.Show less
The eruption of the 2015 war in Yemen was a turning point in the protracted, deep-rooted conflict. Support from various regional and international players for the domestic adversaries further...Show moreThe eruption of the 2015 war in Yemen was a turning point in the protracted, deep-rooted conflict. Support from various regional and international players for the domestic adversaries further contributed to the complexity of an already stagnant conflict. This thesis first examines the main drivers behind the war through the lens of intractability theory and subsequently establishes the primary factors resisting peace negotiations. This thesis demonstrates that in the Yemen conflict, protraction, identity denigration and polarized solutions are the primary obstacles on the domestic level, whereas geopolitics and profitability are regional factors contributing to the intractability of the conflict. Despite the fact that the conflict is presently in an intractable position, the recent and unprecedented initiation of peace consultations in Sweden has become a silver lining in the entrenched conflict. In relation to these developments, the second part of this thesis analyses whether the Yemen conflict is presently ripe for negotiations. Following this analysis, a variety of suggestions for inducing the transition from intractability towards tractability are presented. This thesis contributes to existing studies on intractable conflicts by applying intractability theory to the case of Yemen and by proposing various methods to ripen the conflict for negotiations.Show less
