This thesis argues that the use of the civic-ethnic dichotomy in describing nationalism is flawed. It does so by examining written works and speeches by Shinzo Abe, the current Prime Minister of...Show moreThis thesis argues that the use of the civic-ethnic dichotomy in describing nationalism is flawed. It does so by examining written works and speeches by Shinzo Abe, the current Prime Minister of Japan.Show less
This thesis explores the way in which Abe might be using the rule of law as a rhetorical tool in his international and domestic speeches. It will be discussed how he might be utilizing the rule of...Show moreThis thesis explores the way in which Abe might be using the rule of law as a rhetorical tool in his international and domestic speeches. It will be discussed how he might be utilizing the rule of law in order to counter a negative domestic discourse aimed at him as a result of new-left wing protest groups. The thesis also examines how this use of the rule of law might affect expectations by the international community for Japan's military role.Show less
On 26 September 26 2013, Japanese prime-minister Shinzo Abe vowed in front of the General Assembly of the United Nations to 'create a society in which women shine'. In this paper, I will discuss...Show moreOn 26 September 26 2013, Japanese prime-minister Shinzo Abe vowed in front of the General Assembly of the United Nations to 'create a society in which women shine'. In this paper, I will discuss the structural impediments to Abe’s work- and family balance plans to increase women’s participation in the Japanese labour force, and how the Japanese government can overcome them. The analysis of past policies does not only suggest that Abe’s womenomics plans are not particularly innovative, but also indicates Abe’s ‘work- and family balance’ plans are subject to social stigmas, reinforced not only by Japanese company employment practices, but also by the government itself. Additionally, suitable policy recommendations are provided.Show less
Within the Japanese Constitutional Debate, two factions emerge - Those who oppose constitutional revision, and those who advocate it. When looking at the arguments that either faction uses, it...Show moreWithin the Japanese Constitutional Debate, two factions emerge - Those who oppose constitutional revision, and those who advocate it. When looking at the arguments that either faction uses, it becomes clear that there are many more participants than just the Protectionists and the Revisionists, and the key to understanding the debate and the participants' portrayal of the other is to deconstruct the participating groups.Show less
This thesis focuses on whether the DPJ government framed its recent security policy regarding China concerning the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands dispute. By analyzing the dominant realist narrative and...Show moreThis thesis focuses on whether the DPJ government framed its recent security policy regarding China concerning the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands dispute. By analyzing the dominant realist narrative and alternative ways to perceive the policy, an overview is given of some notable works on the subject. A discourse analysis is used on the political discourse after the Boat Collision Incident of 2010 and the Purchase Incident of 2012. Based on the results of these case studies, this thesis maintains the position that the DPJ government did not frame the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands dispute in order to advance a broader security policy. Instead, Tokyo tends to shelve the dispute and focus more on maintaining good bilateral relations with China.Show less
With North Korea being in the spotlight of the international community of late, the relations between North Korea and Japan could shift from antagonism to normalisation of relations. The abduction...Show moreWith North Korea being in the spotlight of the international community of late, the relations between North Korea and Japan could shift from antagonism to normalisation of relations. The abduction issue from the late twentieth century is one of the most influential obstacles in normalisation, but the North Korean government considers the abduction issue solved after the return of five abductees and the declaration of eight deceased abductees, whereas the Japanese government does not consider it solved. The abduction issue plays an important role in that it is a major issue Prime Minister Abe can use to portray North Korea as a threat to better achieve his own goals. The abduction issue puts a strain on the relations between North Korea and Japan and might continue to do so in the future if it is not resolved. To successfully normalise relations with the North, the abduction issue might have to be put on a lower priority, but the issue has been rooted in Japan’s North Korea policy ever since it came into the light, with Abe being one of the most influential political actors in popularizing the abductions. Thus, the research question of this thesis is: Can Abe back out of the discourse he created with the abduction issue?Show less
Joseph Nye's concept of soft power and it's universalist framework have been used in the past to analyse goverment strategies. This thesis compares Chinese and Japanese soft power strategies and to...Show moreJoseph Nye's concept of soft power and it's universalist framework have been used in the past to analyse goverment strategies. This thesis compares Chinese and Japanese soft power strategies and to what extent they follow Nye's soft power framework.Show less
The Japanese government has enacted a series of new laws and correlating policies, molded in galvanizing rhetoric of 'adhering to the rule of law in an international context' and a 'pro-active...Show moreThe Japanese government has enacted a series of new laws and correlating policies, molded in galvanizing rhetoric of 'adhering to the rule of law in an international context' and a 'pro-active contribution to peace', justifying the gradual change of its passive stance on cyber-security into a more aggressive one. Yet, in the cyber-realm, the rule of law in an international context is not a static all-encompassing concept; it is filled with normative voids, and constantly in flux, similar to the ever-evolving interpretations behind the rationale of Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution, and the extent to which this allegedly legitimizes shifts in the underpinning security landscape. This thesis provides an insight into the actions conducted by the Japanese government, the significance of their rhetoric, and reveals underlying patterns in the construction of their narratives, by analyzing how political discourse shapes the security landscape, how this affects the (de-)evolution of law, and vice versa. It demonstrates that opposing views on the lethality of cyber-operations contribute to the splintering of international law, hereby creating leeway for the Abe-administration to utilize these lacunae as a rhetorical tool to shift the paradigm of Japan's domestic law. As I argue here, however, there is little rationale that stems from international legal concepts to justify connecting cyber-security to Abe’s vision for general security reform.Show less
This thesis will examine Abe’s push to constitutional reinterpretation and how the political left reacted to his argument by focusing on the following question: did the Japanese left-wing political...Show moreThis thesis will examine Abe’s push to constitutional reinterpretation and how the political left reacted to his argument by focusing on the following question: did the Japanese left-wing political actors reconsider their view on Article 9 and Japan’s current defense attitude? If the extreme political left of Japan has altered their stance on Abe and his push for reinterpretation, it means that the whole debate on Japanese defense policy is changing altogether. Therefore, Shinzō Abe might have had an impact on how Article 9 and Japan’s defense posture are perceived by the political left-wing. This will be analyzed through the model of securitization, as defined by the Copenhagen School of Security Studies. By applying this framework, this thesis will show how Abe attempts to securitize the issue of Japan’s national identity through addressing Japan’s defense capabilities and how the left-wing responds by counter-securitizing the issue of pacifism within national identity. The second goal of the thesis is to present the validity of the Copenhagen School’s framework by showing its applicability to the case of Japan’s constitutional reinterpretation. First, we shall analyze the literature on both Shinzō Abe’s reinterpretation attempt and the securitization model. Secondly, we will examine the nature of Abe’s push to constitutional reinterpretation by analyzing a book he wrote before he became prime minister and a book he wrote while he was prime minister. In this way, we can establish whether his stance has changed on reinterpreting the constitution. Then we will explore if and how Abe’s attempt for reinterpretation has reshaped the views of the political left in Japan. The effect of Abe’s push to reinterpret the constitution on popular opinion will be exposed by analyzing the phenomenon of counter-securitization by Japanese left-wing activists. We will look at in what manner the attempt has affected the left-wing in their rhetoric by examining scholarly articles on the subject. If this is the case, we might conclude that the Japanese extreme left is currently in the middle of a shift towards middle left.Show less
Since 2006, when the popular Junichiro Koizumi resigned from his role, Japan has had six prime ministers, one of which has served on two separate occasions. Koizumi’s successor,Shinzo Abe, had to...Show moreSince 2006, when the popular Junichiro Koizumi resigned from his role, Japan has had six prime ministers, one of which has served on two separate occasions. Koizumi’s successor,Shinzo Abe, had to resign after a year due to low popularity and health issues. However, in 2012, Abe returned. Based on his history, one would not expect Abe to be able to come back,let alone be capable of leading his country towards economic recovery and political stability. Nevertheless, Abe has been able to maintain his position for about a year and a half, while sustaining fairly stable public support. Is the current Abe different from the previous one? Has he become a transformational leader? Will Abe be able to finish his term, just as Koizumi did? This article applies a comparative analysis on Koizumi's and Abe's terms as prime minister of Japan. Based on the theory of transformational and transactional leadership, this essay attempts to answer these questions. This article uses a keyword analysis to examine their populist style. In the end, it is concluded that Abe has become a transformational leader with a populist style, but that he still lacks Koizumi's charisma.Show less
In 2014, the United Nations recommended to the Japanese government that it should promulgate laws against hate speech. This advice was ignored by the Japanese government, claiming such laws would...Show moreIn 2014, the United Nations recommended to the Japanese government that it should promulgate laws against hate speech. This advice was ignored by the Japanese government, claiming such laws would interfere with the right of freedom of speech. With the racism against Zainichi Koreans (citizens in Japan of Korean ancestry) as a case study, using the New Haven School of Jurisprudence as framework, this thesis posits that “freedom of speech” is not the Japanese government’s (only) reason for refusing to promulgate laws against hate speech. By researching Diet discussions, newspaper articles, court cases and personal accounts of prominent politicians such as Prime Minister Abe Shinzo, this essay comes to the conclusion that the actual reasons differ from the official one given. The general conclusions of this thesis are that the Japanese government is reluctant to promulgate laws against hate speech because it is concerned about its independence from the United Nations, and because there is a disregard for minority issues in general.Show less
This thesis discusses the question of how an understanding of Japanese politics and culture affects the popularity of Ghibli films with a political message, and what this means for the efficacy of...Show moreThis thesis discusses the question of how an understanding of Japanese politics and culture affects the popularity of Ghibli films with a political message, and what this means for the efficacy of Japan’s pop-culture diplomacy. One of the goals of MOFA’s 2006 pop-culture diplomacy is to further the understanding of Japan by disseminating culture, but it does not seem to have the desired effect. To discuss this I have used a reception study using reviews by US and Japanese reviewers. The movies discussed are both by Isao Takahata, one of Studio Ghibli's founders and main directors. The movies are Pom Poko and Grave of the Fireflies. To set the stage I have discussed literature on Ghibli films and domestic politics, cultural heritage and history of Japan. Some key theories are Koichi Iwabuchi's fragrant/odorless theory on culture, Joseph N. Nye's soft power theory and Douglas McGrays's "Japan's Gross National Cool", which has been adapted by the Japanese government as their Cool Japan campaign. To test the efficacy of the dissemination of Japanese culture, politics and history to garner understanding overseas, online reviews were used. Using a content analysis on the reviews I have studied the main points and opinions reviewers from both countries have on both movies. Using Koichi Iwabuchi's odorless/fragrant theory I have then explained why there are differences in appreciation of the movies. These differences in appreciation and understanding prove that MOFA's 2006 pop-culture diplomacy does not work well as it does not attain the goal of gaining understanding of Japanese culture.Show less
In December 2017, Japan and the EU came to a swift finalization of their Economic Partnership Agreement (JEEPA). Despite the fact that intentions for finalization of the agreement had been...Show moreIn December 2017, Japan and the EU came to a swift finalization of their Economic Partnership Agreement (JEEPA). Despite the fact that intentions for finalization of the agreement had been expressed by both parties multiple times and they had failed to meet the timeframes, they did on this occasion. The influencing factors were Brexit, China's rise and U.S. withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement(TPP). These factors in combination with ambitious trade policy under Prime Minister Shinzo Abe caused Japan to be steered in this direction, leaving the JEEPA as their only resort to establish comprehensive economic cooperation that might mitigate trade problems arising from Brexit, China's rise and replace the TPP as their preferred trade deal while fitting into Abe's economic policy.Show less
The Chinese government has been influencing the Chinese society through the media for many decades. To research whether the role of women in society is still being influenced through media by the...Show moreThe Chinese government has been influencing the Chinese society through the media for many decades. To research whether the role of women in society is still being influenced through media by the government, various online media are studied. Well-known Chinese women portrayed in these media are linked to one of the four categories created by Hung and Li. However, an apparent difference between the images of women in formal and informal media was not found to illustrate whether the government manages the society via this instrument. This does not necessarily mean that the Chinese government does not desire to influence its society on this topic.Show less
This thesis posits that the construction of a Japanese identity in government produced popular culture is inconsistent. The contradictory values within a constructed ‘Self’ portray Japan as a ...Show moreThis thesis posits that the construction of a Japanese identity in government produced popular culture is inconsistent. The contradictory values within a constructed ‘Self’ portray Japan as a ‘superior victim’ with regard to the abductions of Japanese citizens by North Korea. By utilizing a value-action framework it can be determined that the values portrayed in the narratives of the analysed popular culture have indeed been affected by the lines of action in the production process, and can therefore be concluded to be, in this study, the dominant values in North Korea policymaking. These values can be found throughout the narratives analysed in this thesis. By positioning these values in a model of culture in action, it becomes clear that the perceived ‘Japanese identity’ is in a transitional phase.Show less
