Master thesis | European Politics and Society: Vaclav Havel Joint Master Programme
open access
This research investigates the convergence between feminism and radical-right populism in the field of women’s representation in the European Union. Although previous research has explored how...Show moreThis research investigates the convergence between feminism and radical-right populism in the field of women’s representation in the European Union. Although previous research has explored how populist radical- right actors exploit feminist narratives to advance Islamophobic anti-immigration stances, little has been said about how feminist arguments contribute to radical-right populist attempts to represent women substantively. This is relevant because, through the representative process, populist radical-right parties construct specific views of women’s identities, interests, and gender equality that are increasingly becoming part of the European political discourse. As the popularity of radical-right populist parties rises across Europe, so does their ability to use seemingly liberal narratives to leave the political fringes and enter the mainstream. Therefore, analysing the nature and the objectives of a potential convergence between feminism and radical-right populism is crucial to understanding which identities and interests would be advanced, marginalised, or erased if a populist radical- right form of feminism became dominant. This research aims to uncover 1) whether a populist radical-right form of feminism exists and what it may look like; 2) which goals populist radical-right parties pursue when they use feminist arguments to represent women; 3) which women are represented or excluded when populist radical-right parties adopt feminist arguments in their claims. To achieve this, the method of reflexive thematic analysis is applied to a sample of 82 representative claims for women advanced by populist radical-right members of the European Parliament during 26 plenary debates held between 2019 and 2023. This study concludes that populist radical-right feminism contributes to reinforcing an ‘us’ versus ‘them’ narrative, which depicts populist radical-right parties as the true champions of women's interests and ‘real’ gender equality. In doing so, populist radical-right feminism promotes an exclusionary understanding of women’s identities and interests that contradicts the inclusive and intersectional efforts undertaken by the most recent waves of feminist activism. Therefore, future research on the relationship between feminism and radical-right populism may build on the present work to explore how we can challenge the spreading of such an exclusionary narrative and promote a more inclusive and intersectional approach to representation.Show less
Master thesis | European Politics and Society: Vaclav Havel Joint Master Programme
open access
The necessity of a transition to a more sustainable food system is widely recognised, but the path that should be taken to achieve this is strongly contested. In 2020 the European Commission...Show moreThe necessity of a transition to a more sustainable food system is widely recognised, but the path that should be taken to achieve this is strongly contested. In 2020 the European Commission published the Farm to Fork Strategy, a policy framework which has the aim of facilitating the transition to a more sustainable food system in the European Union. Since its publication, it has however faced mounting opposition and consequently there are growing concerns that the original promise of the Strategy will be watered down. In light of the need to build and maintain support for the Farm to Fork Strategy throughout the EU, a deeper understanding of the media discourse on this issue can provide important insights for policymakers and campaigners. There is, however, little research on the media discourse on sustainability, and even less on sustainable food systems. Using Austria and Czechia as case studies, this thesis investigates the media discourse on sustainable food systems in the European Union. My findings demonstrate that while there are many similarities in the reporting, there are also important differences in the content of the media coverage between the two countries. Furthermore, I find that frames which emphasise the role of the market in addressing sustainability issues are dominant in the coverage across both countries. Other key frames identified include the role of regulation in transitioning to sustainable food systems, as well as the potential of technological solutions. Furthermore, a new frame is identified that emphasises how the negative impacts of imported food such as food insecurity and carbon emissions can be avoided through prioritisation of nationally produced food.Show less
Master thesis | European Politics and Society: Vaclav Havel Joint Master Programme
open access
Despite a long history of scholarship about economic sanctions, research about European Union sanctions, specifically EU sanction threats, is more nascent. The institutional changes in the EU...Show moreDespite a long history of scholarship about economic sanctions, research about European Union sanctions, specifically EU sanction threats, is more nascent. The institutional changes in the EU changes since the Treaty of Lisbon in 2009, which gave the European Parliament some increased powers whilst maintaining an intergovernmental Common Foreign and Security Policy, add to this research gap. This thesis thus attempts to answer the question, “What are the effects of the Treaty of Lisbon on the European Parliament’s role in sanctions decision-making?” Due to the EP’s significant role in the Magnitsky case and its high salience and implications for EU relations with third countries, this study uses the Magnitsky case in the EU to answer this question. It uses an explaining-outcome process-tracing method and finds that some legal changes did not make the EP more assertive in sanctions policy in the Magnitsky case. It does find that the EP ‘tested the waters’ by forging a greater connection between human rights and external relations. It also finds that the augmentation of the HRVP role led to a more difficult relationship between the EP and the Council in the Magnitsky case.Show less
Master thesis | European Politics and Society: Vaclav Havel Joint Master Programme
open access
In recent years, rising concerns about the spread of fake-news and misinformation across liberal democracies have gained academic prominence, particularly in light of the January 6th Insurrection...Show moreIn recent years, rising concerns about the spread of fake-news and misinformation across liberal democracies have gained academic prominence, particularly in light of the January 6th Insurrection and the COVID-19 pandemic. However, a seldom explored aspect is whether people’s lack of responsiveness to facts, or fact-insensitivity, has disparate effects across electoral systems. To fill this gap, I build on Stephanopoulos’s (2014) alignment approach of democracy to empirically test whether fact-insensitiveness exacerbates misalignment effects across majoritarian, proportional, or mixed electoral systems. Methodologically, I conduct a Large-N analysis to test the strength of the relationship between the degree of fact-insensitiveness and electoral alignment in lower house constituencies in 16 democracies (N=2722). Additionally, I bound the scope of inference by taking into account cultural and psychological proximity in the country selection process (Schulz, Bahrami-Rad, J. P. Beauchamp, et al. 2019; Muthukrishna et al. 2020). To evaluate this, I employ a dataset that combines original vaccination data with existing data on COVID-19 disorder events, and electoral outcomes. The results show that electoral systems have significantly different electoral outcomes in terms of alignment, however, there are no statistically significant differences among them with regards of fact-insensitivity. In turn, this denies any normative gains or losses when selecting an electoral system in contexts of varying degrees of fact-insensitiveness.Show less
Master thesis | European Politics and Society: Vaclav Havel Joint Master Programme
open access
In which ways has EU enlargement been framed in national parliamentary debates? And what positions do actors take on enlargement? And finally, do partisan dynamics explain these positions and...Show moreIn which ways has EU enlargement been framed in national parliamentary debates? And what positions do actors take on enlargement? And finally, do partisan dynamics explain these positions and frames? This thesis provides an assessment of the debate on enlargement in the Dutch national parliament between 2004 and 2020. It aims to build upon research on the nationalisation of the enlargement policy. Are the positions of national governments similar to those of parliamentary actors? Empirically, this thesis shows that enlargement in debates has lost salience over time and that mostly positions have become more negative. In terms of framing, the debates in the Netherlands are characterised by a strong focus on pragmatic frames. Both these positions can be explained by strategical considerations; a party in government tends to emphasise pragmatic frames more so. Moreover, the cultural axis of partisan dynamics explains that more conservative parties are generally more critical of enlargement.Show less
Master thesis | European Politics and Society: Vaclav Havel Joint Master Programme
open access
In 2006 Puar defined homonationalism as a form of nationalism that utilizes gay rights to exclude (Muslim minorities). This thesis analyzes the development of Dutch homonationalism from 1990-2002....Show moreIn 2006 Puar defined homonationalism as a form of nationalism that utilizes gay rights to exclude (Muslim minorities). This thesis analyzes the development of Dutch homonationalism from 1990-2002. It finds that the origins and development of homonationalism are rarely discussed. Only research by Bram Mellink focused on the origins of Dutch homonationalism between 1980 and 1990. By analyzing the selected period, this research tries to bridge the gap between the origins of Dutch homonationalism and the full fledged Dutch homonationalism that can be found in the 21st century. It applies a framework that is grounded in established theories and understandings of homonationalism, to reflect on the theoretical foundations of homonationalism and their historical applicability. This paper finds that utilizing homonationalism and its manifestations as they were defined by Puar is in fact ahistorical. Consequently, under the chosen theoretical framework homonationalism is rarely found. Therefore, this research identifies a developing form of homonationalism: proto-homonationalism. To support further research, it establishes a new framework to analyze this proto-homonationalism. The findings of this research thus establish the weaknesses of applying homonationalist theory to historical periods and provide an alternative that allows for a deeper theoretical as well as historical understanding of homonationalism throughout time.Show less
Master thesis | European Politics and Society: Vaclav Havel Joint Master Programme
open access
The European Union is one of the main actors actively promoting democratic progress in Georgia. It is widely believed that the EU's democracy promotion in Georgia has been inextricably linked to...Show moreThe European Union is one of the main actors actively promoting democratic progress in Georgia. It is widely believed that the EU's democracy promotion in Georgia has been inextricably linked to one of its key foreign policy instruments, namely, the democratic conditionality. In recent years, the EU has been able to induce several transformative democratic reforms in Georgia by tying them to big "carrots", such as the signing of the Association Agreement (AA) encompassing the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA) and the Visa Liberalisation process. Considering that Georgia had never received an official EU membership perspective when the country achieved this crucial milestone, experts questioned whether the EU could induce transformative democratic changes in this Black Sea region country and how. Specifically, the strategies, instruments or tools that the EU might employ to push essential democratic reforms adoption and implementation became a point of contention. This thesis attempts to address this debate by answering the following research question: How does the EU attempt to induce democratic reforms in Georgia without conditionality in place? The thesis is based on two case studies within a single case study on Georgia. The first case is related to the EU-promoted anti-discrimination law's adoption and implementation, and the second case study covers the EU-brokered March 8 Agreement encompassing a comprehensive electoral system reform in Georgia. In both cases, the EU appears to play a critical role, albeit through different mechanisms and tools at its disposal. The thesis attempts to provide a reader with a nuanced analysis of the EU's perceived role in the above-mentioned transformative democratic reforms' adoption and implementation in Georgia. The author employs the following qualitative methods for the offered case studies: a qualitative content analysis and in-depth interviews with experts and elites. The thesis aims to contribute to the scholarly literature on EU-Georgian relations.Show less
Master thesis | European Politics and Society: Vaclav Havel Joint Master Programme
open access
Female political representation differs significantly between countries. Patriarchal structures and gender biases that hinder women's representation are pervasive and can be identified in seemingly...Show moreFemale political representation differs significantly between countries. Patriarchal structures and gender biases that hinder women's representation are pervasive and can be identified in seemingly progressive governments, challenging claims of increased gender equality in the global North. This thesis explores the differences in female political representation in parliament between two popularly deemed progressive European countries: the Netherlands and Finland. It does so by adopting a novel approach and engaging with the top-down personal perspective of politicians within parliament. Using semi-structured elite interviews, this thesis focuses on the causes for the gap in female political representation between these countries while also discussing what the interviewees envision as possible improvements. The parliamentarians provided unique insights into how gender stereotypes, gatekeeping, and unpaid care work determine the level of women's political representation. The results indicate that female parliamentarians, next to having more role models, centred childcare and parental leave at the core of the policies to address the disparity in female representation between the Netherlands and Finland and increase female political representation overall. This thesis thus contributes to gender and political studies.Show less
