This paper researches four possible explanations that might explain why some member states reacted stricter to the migration crisis than others. This is done by setting up three indicators which...Show moreThis paper researches four possible explanations that might explain why some member states reacted stricter to the migration crisis than others. This is done by setting up three indicators which determine the level to which a member state has become stricter or more lenient with regards to migration policy. These three indicators are admission rates, family reunification, and forced returns. By using that data, the paper assesses whether right-wing populist parties, economic performance, public opinion and the close proximity of elections are possible explanations for different policy responses by European Member States. The presence of right-wing populist parties correlates with stricter migration policies, but the other three explanations do not show any correlation with stricter migration policies.Show less
There has always been a correlation between football and violence. However, incidents at football matches lost its spontaneity in the UK during the 1960s, when groups of young supporters started to...Show moreThere has always been a correlation between football and violence. However, incidents at football matches lost its spontaneity in the UK during the 1960s, when groups of young supporters started to organize themselves in groups, giving life to football hooliganism. The advent of European football competitions and the interaction between British supporters and the ones from rest of Europe provoked the spread of football hooliganism. This thesis proposes an analysis of the development of this social phenomenon in four countries: the UK, the Netherlands, Italy, and Spain. In particular, this research will focus on the role that political ideologies have played within hooligans’ groups and will assess the motives for the major presence of politics within the stadiums of countries such as Italy and Spain, and its absence in the UK and the Netherlands.Show less
Motivated by the dramatic outcomes of the 2017 German federal election, this thesis essentially investigated how the significant discrepancies in the electoral support of the right-wing populist...Show moreMotivated by the dramatic outcomes of the 2017 German federal election, this thesis essentially investigated how the significant discrepancies in the electoral support of the right-wing populist party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) across the sixteen German federal states in this election can be explained. In particular, it could be observed that the party could attain exceptionally high electoral results predominantly in the eastern states of the country while its electoral performance in large parts of the West was significantly weaker. In the search to explain this pattern, the ‘losers of modernisation’ theory generally appears as a promising approach as it highlights the factor of socio-economic deprivation as one of the main causes for the success of right-wing populist parties, such as the AfD. And, indeed, when evaluating the geographic patterns of the party’s results in the respective election, it stands out that the electoral strongholds of the AfD in the eastern states of Germany appear to be less wealthy and economically productive than their Western counterparts. As a consequence, in order to test the explanatory validity of the ‘losers of modernisation’ theory in understanding the electoral success of the AfD in 2017 German federal election, this thesis poses the following research question: To what extent do factors of socio-economic deprivation explain the electoral success of the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) in the 2017 German federal election? In a nutshell, however, the findings of this thesis emphasised that the ‘losers of modernisation’ theory does not possess the explanatory validity to explain the electoral results of the AfD in the 2017 German federal elections and that the factor of socio-economic deprivation had no significant impact on the party’s electoral performance in this respective election.Show less
This thesis paper contributes to the academic debate on how the Assault Weapons Ban effected mass shootings. It concludes that the ban had no proven effect on the frequency of mass shootings and...Show moreThis thesis paper contributes to the academic debate on how the Assault Weapons Ban effected mass shootings. It concludes that the ban had no proven effect on the frequency of mass shootings and the amount of victims in a mass shooting.Show less
The paper provides an account of the illegal waste disposal activities committed by the three major Italian organized crimes namely Camorra, Cosa Nostra and ‘Ndrangheta. ‘Ecomafia’ is the term used...Show moreThe paper provides an account of the illegal waste disposal activities committed by the three major Italian organized crimes namely Camorra, Cosa Nostra and ‘Ndrangheta. ‘Ecomafia’ is the term used to describe the divisions of criminal networks that operate in the illegal trafficking and disposal of waste. Guided by the theoretical framework of Illegal Enterprise Theory, the paper aims to illustrate why certain Italian regions have higher incidences of the phenomenon of Ecomafia.Show less
The thesis addresses the growing role of strategic Chinese investments among European economies. More specifically, it focuses on the case of Germany, a country which has been one of the highest...Show moreThe thesis addresses the growing role of strategic Chinese investments among European economies. More specifically, it focuses on the case of Germany, a country which has been one of the highest beneficiaries of Chinese capital over the last decade. Investments from Chinese enterprises span across pivotal German industries (such as automotive, heavy engineering, and financial services). As a result, the research aims to investigate why the German economy and its industrial sector is a strategically important investment channel for Chinese companies on the basis of four identified hypotheses. The parameters for gauging the aforesaid framework would include technological know-how, credit risk, macroeconomic synergies, and ease of conducting business over a selected sample of European case studies in juxtaposition with Germany’s. The objective is to measure Germany’s economic competency in relation to its European counterparts, which can partially explain the behaviour of Chinese firms in regards to their expansive financial footprint in Berlin vis-a-vis other European economiesShow less