Radical Right Populism is not limited to any specific geography but rather is something that has been on the rise all over the world. This paper is concerned with the question how radical right...Show moreRadical Right Populism is not limited to any specific geography but rather is something that has been on the rise all over the world. This paper is concerned with the question how radical right populism relates to a modern day understanding of fascism. This thesis will first answer the question of what populism is and then compare this to a theoretical approach to fascism. Because I will follow the understanding of populism as a political style a special attention will be given propaganda and how it is delivered to a given constituency. The case study used in this these is the Modi led Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India. Within the context of this case I will focus on Mann Ki Baat, a monthly radio show held by the Indian Prime Minister. Throughout the text of this thesis I hope to show that radical right populism and fascism have too many similarities, in respect to its definition, theoretical approach towards these concepts and performance, to ignore. Furthermore, I will argue that the perceived direct communication that Mann Ki Baat and social media facilitate are closer to propaganda than a genuine political exchange. The research presented here is building on and adding to the growing literature on populism, social media in the political sphere and radical right politics.Show less
In this dissertation, an integrated theory is proposed in order to test why authoritarian regimes engage in mass killings during counterinsurgency operations. The current state of research is...Show moreIn this dissertation, an integrated theory is proposed in order to test why authoritarian regimes engage in mass killings during counterinsurgency operations. The current state of research is limited, scholars who studied the phenomenon either stuck to explaining parts or lacked the necessary overview of factors that can lead to mass killings in counterinsurgency operations. Within this research, three strands of literature that relate to either mass killings, authoritarian counterinsurgency or counterinsurgency in general are proposed that provide competing answers to the research objective. Subsequently, this integrated body of literature is applied to three cases: Iraq, Guatemala and the Soviet Union. The findings show that the threats stemming from the insurgents, and in this conceptualization more specifically the nature of the insurgency, the regime crisis as a result of the insurgency and the dysfunctionality of previous conventional measures provide the most feasible explanations for why authoritarian regimes engage in mass killings. Additional value is attributed to both veto player interests and elite ideology in determining authoritarian decision-making in the light of draconian counterinsurgency measures. The research moreover shows that the respective reasons to engage in mass killings influence and sometimes enforce each other.Show less
This thesis aims to show how authoritarian regimes opt for using small-scale violence against minority out-groups to counteract any regime instability. Essentially it argues that authoritarian...Show moreThis thesis aims to show how authoritarian regimes opt for using small-scale violence against minority out-groups to counteract any regime instability. Essentially it argues that authoritarian leaders change out-group treatment according to the needs of their stability. It is a within-case study, focused on the Coptic christian minority in Egypt. It traces the treatment of Copts under Sadat and under Mubarak. The thesis found that the biggest need or factor in determining out-group treatment is domestic legitimacy. By bringing various theories on authoritarian regimes and minority treatment together, this thesis proposes the stoking fire theory. By allowing violence to be perpetrated against minority groups, regimes stoke a small fire and keep it burning for a regime's own survival. It is the first step in arguing that low-level violence, perpetrated by state and citizen, is used for strategic purposes, as others have argued for mass violence. The insights in the nexus between the three factors (domestic legitimacy, an out-groups refusal to be co-opted and external support) for out-group treatment can help foreign policy makers in determining finding the best timing to pressure regimes for democratization, if that is truly their pursuit, and when to support an out-group without becoming the topic of rumored ‘evil’ relations between out-group and democratic supporter. More importantly, by understanding how their position is used by autocrats, out-groups may better understand their predicament at a given time. Understanding their behavior and the changing needs of an authoritarian regime, they may be better able to see increased violence coming, giving them the chance to defend themselves against it.Show less
This thesis analyses the potential reasons for the failure of a Syrian opposition coalition formation between the Syrian National Council and the National Bureau for the Forces of Democratic Change...Show moreThis thesis analyses the potential reasons for the failure of a Syrian opposition coalition formation between the Syrian National Council and the National Bureau for the Forces of Democratic Change during the first years of the Arab Spring (2011-2013). Literature on opposition coalition formation often argues that oppositions are likely to coalesce in times of regime weakness, but the case of Syria provides a puzzling situation: whereas Syrian opposition parties have coalesced in the past during the Damascus Spring, they failed to successfully coalesce at the start of the Arab Spring. This thesis therefore analyses two alternative explanations for this failure: inter- and intra-opposition rivalry. By discussing both opposition coalition formation during the Damascus Spring and the start of the Arab Spring, as well as the extent to which elements of inter- and intra-opposition rivalry could be witnessed during the Arab Spring, the thesis attempts to provide an answer to the above mentioned puzzle. It finds that none of these theories can explain the failure of opposition coalition formation in Syria (2011-2013) on their own, as the failure can be explained by elements linked to both inter- and intra-opposition rivalry which fuelled each other. This interlinkage in the end made a successful opposition coalition formation highly difficult.Show less
This paper aims to analyse the implementation of conflict prevention in the post-Cold War era and its resulting outcomes, guided by the question: why are some conflicts successfully prevented,...Show moreThis paper aims to analyse the implementation of conflict prevention in the post-Cold War era and its resulting outcomes, guided by the question: why are some conflicts successfully prevented, while others break out? More specifically, why have some hostilities been contained while at the same time the Yugoslav conflict broke out so violently?Show less
The greatest threats to authoritarian tenure is not rebellion or popular uprising, but the possibility of a coup or attack from within the government. An authoritarian leader shares its power with...Show moreThe greatest threats to authoritarian tenure is not rebellion or popular uprising, but the possibility of a coup or attack from within the government. An authoritarian leader shares its power with the ruling coalition, as their power and influence is necessary for the survival of the regime. However, authoritarian leaders have a desire for more power and need to accomplish this to guarantee both his own survival and the survival of the regime, but this is usually at the expense of the leader’s rivals. Authoritarian leaders use several measures to consolidate their power against the potential threats of the ruling coalition, such as interstate war and mass killings. The aim of this paper is to gain knowledge about what circumstances cause authoritarian leaders to choose interstate war or mass killings as consolidation-measure against threats of the ruling coalition? With the three within-case studies of Pol Pot (Cambodia), Mao Zedong (China) and Fidel Castro (Cuba) I argue two things. Firstly, although revolutionary regimes have indeed strong military representation in the state apparatus, they are not as resistant to rivalry as argued in literature. Secondly, I argue that the location of the rivals in the state apparatus is not as important as argued by certain scholars, since authoritarian leaders use both mass killings and interstate war when there is strong representation of military in the ruling coalition.Show less
This thesis seeks to determine which actor had the greatest amount of responsibility for the emergence of 1965-1966 anti-communist mass killings in Indonesia and to explore why each actor opted for...Show moreThis thesis seeks to determine which actor had the greatest amount of responsibility for the emergence of 1965-1966 anti-communist mass killings in Indonesia and to explore why each actor opted for indiscriminate violence. The piece will discuss the applicability of three explanations for mass violence while using Indonesia as a case study. First theory will analyze economic reasons such as military’s financial incentives for the killings and foreign economic influences that have possibly encouraged mass violence; the second theory will look at the role of citizens and local forces through a bottom-up approach. The third theory will suggest an original explanation by van der Maat who argues that mass violence occurs when a political elite attempts to safeguard its position and seeks to eradicate dangerous intra-elite rivals through genocidal consolidation.Show less
During the Guatemalan Civil War, which lasted from 1960 to 1996, the indigenous Maya people of Guatemala have suffered immensely. Namely, 170.000 Mayas were killed and thousands have had to flee to...Show moreDuring the Guatemalan Civil War, which lasted from 1960 to 1996, the indigenous Maya people of Guatemala have suffered immensely. Namely, 170.000 Mayas were killed and thousands have had to flee to Mexico. In 1996, the Peace Accords were signed and promises were made for social justice of the Maya people in the education system, which had excluded them for centuries. At the same time, the World Bank started sponsoring a programme of heavily decentralized schools in Guatemala, called PRONADE schools, where local communities could easily open and manage primary schools through funding of the Ministry of Education. This thesis seeks to test to what extent social justice of the Maya people has been realized in these PRONADE schools compared to traditional public schools. Thereby, the approach of the Word Bank in schooling will be evaluated, using Fraser’s three-dimensional model of social justice as an indicator of success. Fraser’s dimensions of social justice consist of economic justice, cultural justice and political justice, which have frequently been applied to the education system. Fieldwork in Guatemala was carried out in March-April 2017, combining source analysis with in-depth semi-structured interviews. The results of this research show that, although the goals of the World Bank of equal access to quality education and the provision of bilingual education might have been partially realized, social justice still has a long way to go in the Guatemalan education system. Realization of economic justice in the PRONADE schools remains ambivalent, however, the PRONADE schools did score slightly better on cultural and political justice compared to traditional public schools, although by far not satisfactorily.Show less
Elections are considered a powerful mean to drive political change, as well as a necessary condition for democratic consolidation. For that matter, this study focuses on legislative elections in...Show moreElections are considered a powerful mean to drive political change, as well as a necessary condition for democratic consolidation. For that matter, this study focuses on legislative elections in ten Francophone countries taking place from 1990 to 2010. The main purpose is to analyse the importance of different factors affecting the process of liberalizing electoral outcome. For this purpose, a fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis is conducted, which makes use of qualitative and case-study analysis. As a result, this study shows that some variables like high political mobilization increase the likelihood of liberalizing electoral outcome. However, others like high levels of corruption and weakness of opposition decrease it or are considered irrelevant. As a conclusion, elections and factors affecting them must be further studied, as results can provide relevant information for policy recommendation and implementation.Show less
This thesis investigates the rise in popularity of right-wing populism in Germany and France. This observable phenomenon brings a challenge to established parties in contemporary politics. On the...Show moreThis thesis investigates the rise in popularity of right-wing populism in Germany and France. This observable phenomenon brings a challenge to established parties in contemporary politics. On the one hand, established parties defend the principles of the European idea. On the other hand, they must necessarily engage with issues that populists have put forward as they polarize society at large. I presume that the loss of trust into the European idea has become more substantial with the arrival of refugees in 2015, thus adding more constrains on policies proposals of established parties. However, the refugee influx has become the trigger mechanism that made populist sentiments more acceptable in society. To understand this rise of populism, I propose three conditions as possible explanations; cultural resentments, victims of modernization and economic grievances.Show less
This piece seeks to test the applicability of a newly developed paradigm of genocidal consolidation in explaining the outbreak of mass indiscriminate violence against civilians in the Darfur region...Show moreThis piece seeks to test the applicability of a newly developed paradigm of genocidal consolidation in explaining the outbreak of mass indiscriminate violence against civilians in the Darfur region of Sudan in the early 2000s. The premise of this theory is that such violence is meted as a premeditated and calculated policy to concurrently resolve an intra-elite crisis. In the case of the Sudan it is the growing rivalry between President Omar al-Bashir and Hasan al-Turabi that is of particular interest in this regard.Show less
In the recent years there has been a discussion on the mechanisms of democratization and the European Union’s contribution to this process. Furthermore it has been studied how military-regimes,...Show moreIn the recent years there has been a discussion on the mechanisms of democratization and the European Union’s contribution to this process. Furthermore it has been studied how military-regimes, have had an impact on the stability of a new young democracy. However, it has not explained, to what extent the European Union can contribute to prevent an authoritarian reversal and tackle the challenges that young democracies with a military legacy have to face. This thesis seeks to analyze whether the European Union has prevented the risk of an authoritarian reversal in post-military regimes. This project aims to bridge theories on democratization of military regimes with theories on how organizations such as the European Union, contribute to the prevention of an authoritarian reversal. In order to answer the research question, the case of Myanmar from 2011 until 2015 has been analyzed. The analysis of the democratization in Myanmar showed that all the policies of the EU have not specifically tackled the challenges which have been caused by Myanmar’s military legacy. In order to effectively contribute to a more successful consolidation of a democracy, the external agent should focus more on the context, in which the country is democratizing.Show less
