Since the rise of Black Lives Matter and Rhodes Must Fall, both had the same goal: putting an end to racism and white supremacy. Although it would be logical that both movements follow a similar...Show moreSince the rise of Black Lives Matter and Rhodes Must Fall, both had the same goal: putting an end to racism and white supremacy. Although it would be logical that both movements follow a similar path, Black Lives Matter seems to be more popular and Rhodes Must Fall protests seem to be more violent. This research is about analyzing the differences in success between the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States and the Rhodes must Fall movement from South Africa. Success can be measured in a way of looking at accomplishments, but this literature study will compare successes in mobilization strategies. Grievances from institutionalized racism created comparable grievances in The United States and South Africa. Other factors that will be analyzed in this study are resource mobilization, mobilization strategies, networking strategies and media representation. This research will argue that the Black Lives Matter movement adapted better mobilization strategies overall.Show less
Social Networking Sites (SNS) can be valuable tools to connect people with shared interests worldwide. However, SNS screentime has increased drastically over the course of the COVID-19 pandemic....Show moreSocial Networking Sites (SNS) can be valuable tools to connect people with shared interests worldwide. However, SNS screentime has increased drastically over the course of the COVID-19 pandemic. Excessive use of SNS has been associated with adverse mental health outcomes in previous studies. Contrary to the majority of studies on SNS, which usually rely on correlations, this study used an experimental approach to examine the relationship between SNS use, depression, and anxiety. Fear of missing out (FOMO) was also investigated as a potential mediating factor. To manipulate SNS screentime a multifaceted intervention was built based on results from previous experimental studies and input from a focus group (N = 3). A convenience sample of first year psychology students (N = 122) had been collected and split into three groups. The intervention group was instructed to follow the smartphone use intervention, while participants in the active-control group received instructions with little expected influence on screentime. Both groups were instructed to reduce their smartphone use as much as possible for two weeks. The waitlist-control group was told their intervention would begin in two weeks. SNS screentime, anxiety, depression and FOMO were assessed pre- and post- intervention. The results show significantly lower post-intervention SNS screentime in both intervention groups but not in the waitlist-control group. Depression scores were significantly lower in the intervention group but not for the active-control or waitlist-control condition. No significant group differences for anxiety were found. The mediation analysis obtained no significant results for FOMO as a potential mediator variable. Overall, the findings suggest participants reduced their smartphone usage regardless of the received set of rules. However, only participants in the intervention group showed fewer depressive symptoms. Limitations and suggestions for future research on SNS use were discussed.Show less
In conflict literature, much attention has been given to the relation between food prices and conflict, as well as the effects of climate change on conflict and food security, in an attempt to...Show moreIn conflict literature, much attention has been given to the relation between food prices and conflict, as well as the effects of climate change on conflict and food security, in an attempt to explain civilian victimisation through food security. However, the effect of crop pests and diseases on violence against civilians has not been studied, despite the large proportion of worldwide crop loss caused by these factors. This study theorises that these pests pressure the local food supply and thus force armed groups to use violence in order to obtain their necessary resources from the local population. This results in the hypothesis that the occurrence of plant pests in an area increases the risk of violence against civilians by non-state actors. Specifically, this study focuses on the effects of locust swarms in four African countries: Somalia, Sudan, Ethiopia and Kenya. The hypothesis is quantitatively tested using both OLS regression and negative binomial regression. A positive correlation between locust swarm occurrence and violence against civilians is found, which holds up against both fixed effects and specific control variables. This new finding suggests that the occurrence of locust swarms shortens the time horizons for cooperation between rebels and the local population, incentivising rebels to quickly gain resources using violence rather than engaging in long-term, more peaceful cooperation.Show less
In early 2011, the 20 February Movement took place in Morocco in the wider context of the Arab Spring. The movement in Morocco did not lead to thorough change or governmental over-throw, as it was...Show moreIn early 2011, the 20 February Movement took place in Morocco in the wider context of the Arab Spring. The movement in Morocco did not lead to thorough change or governmental over-throw, as it was the case in other North African countries. Morocco’s political institutions re-mained stable after a quick response of the government and monarchy. This thesis is conducted by relying on institutional theory and the use of qualitative research methods to explore the following research question: Why has the 20 February Movement in Morocco led to the con-tinuation of political institutions and not initiated governmental change? The results show that Morocco’s authoritarian political institutions remained stable and widely unchanged because of the legitimacy of the monarchy and the king as head of state. Even though the constitution was reviewed as a response to the protests that demanded democratisation, the position of the king was not questioned. Historical, religious, social and political factors legitimise the position of the king, which make him a source of stability for the regime and decreases the likelihood of experiencing political conflict and violence.Show less