This study provides an outlook on corporate alignment with the UNGPs regarding the implementation of human rights policy commitments, due diligence processes, and grievance mechanisms. This is done...Show moreThis study provides an outlook on corporate alignment with the UNGPs regarding the implementation of human rights policy commitments, due diligence processes, and grievance mechanisms. This is done by introducing the current debate regarding the impact of soft law instruments such as the UNGPs. Further, a theoretical framework is established, providing a conceptualisation, methodology, and justification for the variables used in this study. Then, an extensive analysis is exposed, explaining the principles stipulated in the UN Framework, along with the Corporate Human Rights Benchmark (CHRB) criteria, and applying those to the case of INDITEX (Industria de Diseño Textil, S.A.). Finally, the conclusion answers the research question, by referencing the results and proposes new insights for future research.Show less
Do United Nations (UN) Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) impact democratization in post-conflict states? Currently, this question is up for debate and this study builds on new relationships recently...Show moreDo United Nations (UN) Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) impact democratization in post-conflict states? Currently, this question is up for debate and this study builds on new relationships recently discovered in the literature. Blair, Di Salvatore, & Smidt (2023) argue that UN PKO tactics improve the likelihood of democratization. This relationship is tested through the examination of four mission tactics between the United Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ) and the United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic (MINURCA). The cases were selected using a most similar design, indicating the cases are similar in all regards, except for their democratization outcomes; Mozambique democratized, while CAR did not. The analysis revealed that ONUMOZ and MINURCA were very similar in their mission tactics and thus mission tactics cannot be considered the sole explanation for democratization. Rather, the size and budget of the mission, involvement of civilian personnel, and recurrence of violence provided more fruitful avenues for explaining the difference in the democratization outcomes. This research contributes to the literature and yields recommendations for future research on UN PKOs and democratization. Additionally, this research provides insight into how the UN can successfully design and implement PKOs aimed at democratization.Show less
European defence and security cooperation has largely remained intergovernmental in nature. Other issue areas such as the common market have been integrated and are primarily governed through EU...Show moreEuropean defence and security cooperation has largely remained intergovernmental in nature. Other issue areas such as the common market have been integrated and are primarily governed through EU institutions as a result. This is puzzling since the earliest efforts of European integration occurred in the field of defence and security. These efforts ultimately proved a failure and stifled further attempts at integration in this policy field for decades to come. In academic discussion, a common approach to European security and defence policy is the analysis of outcome. The pace and nature of European defence and security policy has been analysed and critiqued on frequent occasions, pointing to the still great reliance of the EU on NATO in security matters. Considering both of these aspects, this analysis aims to deliver an analysis that focusses on the process of EU defence and security policy making itself in order to investigate the puzzle of why it has remained intergovernmental. Hypothesising that it is a policy of deliberate non-decision, „gatekeeping”, by one or more actors within EU policy-making that is responsible for the intergovernmental outcome, process tracing is conducted. The findings of this analysis do not, however, corroborate the hypothesis and an alternate explanation is developed that points to a non-decision being motivated by passive factors, namely inopportune situations of the individual actors capable of propelling an integration effort forward. This analysis is, however, also able to observe that the recent push in the implementation of PESCO came about as a result of political hurdles being overcome and, in principle, a road towards integration may open up in the future.Show less
In the first decades following decolonisation, African nations were on the forefront of promoting absolute sovereignty and non-intervention. The Constitutive Act of the African Union that was...Show moreIn the first decades following decolonisation, African nations were on the forefront of promoting absolute sovereignty and non-intervention. The Constitutive Act of the African Union that was adopted in 2000, grants the organisation the right to intervene in case of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity. This reflects a conceptualisation of sovereignty as responsibility. To understand this shift in conceptualisation of sovereignty, this thesis conducts a discourse analysis of nine official declarations of the Organization of African Unity between 1990 and 1999 through the lens of constructivist theory. It finds that collective identity, in the guise of Pan-Africanism, serves an important role in enabling the shift in conceptualisation of sovereignty through narrative and interaction. This suggests that collective identity, explicitly on the regional level, is an important factor to be considered in the institutionalisation of humanitarian intervention and has implications for the Responsibility to Protect.Show less
Despite the main function of the United Nations (UN) peacekeepers being to protect civilians in war-torn territories, allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) committed by said...Show moreDespite the main function of the United Nations (UN) peacekeepers being to protect civilians in war-torn territories, allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) committed by said peacekeepers continue to arise during every peacekeeping mission. Much of the previous scholarship has focused on the structural and institutional causes of the problem, primarily focusing on factors such as immunities, data gathering mechanisms and training programs. The feminist scholarship has also been increasingly vocal on the matter, stressing the importance of gender framing in UN documents and policies. Nevertheless, the feminist theory has continuously resorted to normative studies, lacking any empirical backing to their arguments. This thesis investigates whether a condescending and victimizing way in which women are framed in a series of UN documents can serve as a possible explanation for the continued SEA perpetrated by the UN peacekeepers. A critical discourse analysis of the UN’s zero-tolerance policy, SEA pre-training manual and mission mandates demonstrated that UN’s discourse on gender can be one of the reasons why SEA is continuously committed by the peacekeepers.Show less
