Research master thesis | Political Science and Public Administration (research) (MSc)
open access
The European Union (EU) has witnessed a diversification of its membership in terms of integration. This is regarded as one way of accommodating an increasingly heterogeneous EU. However, this...Show moreThe European Union (EU) has witnessed a diversification of its membership in terms of integration. This is regarded as one way of accommodating an increasingly heterogeneous EU. However, this differentiated integration is likely to be accompanied by disadvantages. Among other things, differentiated integration is also thought to be harmful to the differentiated states’ reputation. However, there is very little empirical work on tangible consequences of differentiated integration. This paper tries to fill this void by looking at one manifestation of informal power: member state access to European Commission advisory committees. The main conclusion is that there is no general relation between access to advisory committees and differentiated integration. However, when looked at in more detail, differentiated integration appears to strongly diminish access to Eurozone-related advisory committees. Moreover, it appears that newer member states’ degrees of access are affected, especially those new members that have not yet integrated fully into the Eurozone and Schengen. If this pattern is structural, the interests of newer member states could be affected.Show less
Research master thesis | Political Science and Public Administration (research) (MSc)
open access
2012-09-03T00:00:00Z
Over the past few decades a considerable literature, based on the populist notion of democracy, attempted to explicate the more or less successful translation of citizen demands into policy by the...Show moreOver the past few decades a considerable literature, based on the populist notion of democracy, attempted to explicate the more or less successful translation of citizen demands into policy by the political system. Yet maximizing political responsiveness need not be the highest good a democracy can aspire too. Following a liberal theory of democracy this paper moves political responsiveness to the position of the independent variable and shows that there is a connection high political responsiveness (and the risks for a tyranny of the majority this entails) and the freedom of the people living within the state. Drawing on data from the OECD and the Eurobarometer a measure of political responsiveness is developed based on behaviour, rather than attitudinal congruence. This allows the author to show the negative association between responsiveness and freedom (as captured through the CIRI Human Rights Project) in a sample of Western and Eastern European countries between 2006 and 2010.Show less
