Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
While in past, most studies have taken self-determination movements as unitary actors, recent research has shown that many movements striving for self-governance are highly fragmented. Taking this...Show moreWhile in past, most studies have taken self-determination movements as unitary actors, recent research has shown that many movements striving for self-governance are highly fragmented. Taking this as a starting point, this thesis offers an alternative explanation of state’s decision making process in complex situations as active intra-state conflicts. By facing the factions of the self-determination movement, states have to endure great levels of violence and pressures. These push the ‘rational’ state to a take a decision. Through an analysis of the Tamil and Jumma movement in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh respectively, this study outlines the dynamics of group fragmentation and addresses its overall implications.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
In 2001, the killing of a young Kabyle student in Algeria sparked Berber anti-Arab protests in Algeria and France, marking decades of intermittent conflict positing Berber identity against the Arab...Show moreIn 2001, the killing of a young Kabyle student in Algeria sparked Berber anti-Arab protests in Algeria and France, marking decades of intermittent conflict positing Berber identity against the Arab-Islamic policies of the Algerian state. Explanations for a growing Berber movement and the resulting conflict point to historical categorical divisions of “Berber” and “Arab” in colonialism and cultural groups. This thesis challenges the historical consistency of these explanations and examines how identity is constructed; it asks how this categorization of “Berbers” and “Arabs” has mobilized a Berber identity movement. Instead of linking this movement to a legacy of “Berber” against “Arab,” this thesis aims to show that the Berber identity movement as understood today is a relatively recent phenomenon. The following analysis develops two main arguments to support this claim: First, a historical discourse analysis of four periods shows that the category “Berber” has served different functions in different contexts. Second, the analysis develops a genealogy of “Berber” to present an alternative understanding for how categorization has shaped Berber identity, arguing that this movement is better understood as a product of interacting national discourses based on exclusive concepts of membership. These arguments are developed using insights from securitization theory to model identity formation, conceptualizing “Berber” as a term used with a purpose that produces a context dependent effect.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Trans-boundary rivers are shared by multiple sovereign states, creating conflicting demands on the river’s resources and further complicating already difficult political legacies. This combination...Show moreTrans-boundary rivers are shared by multiple sovereign states, creating conflicting demands on the river’s resources and further complicating already difficult political legacies. This combination hinders cooperation over the communal resource and makes trans-boundary river basins areas of conflict. To resolve such conflicts, the involvement of a third party mediator with the capabilities to offer incentives to reluctant riparians, coupled with the creation of a management institution to address conflicts as they arise, offers the best means of addressing both the short term issues of getting states to agree to a cooperative arrangement for the river and the long term commitment problems that would lead states to renege on the agreement. This thesis will explore the utility of the combined short and long-term approach to mediate trans-boundary river conflicts by examining the mediation and resolution of the Indus River conflict between India and Pakistan. The lessons learned are then used to investigate the unresolved conflict between Turkey, Syria, and Iraq over the Euphrates and Tigris rivers and offer ways of managing the conflict.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
closed access
The crisis in Darfur is one of the world’s most significant conflicts. In the last decades, frequent drought and increasing demographic pressures are part of the forces that have pushed the region...Show moreThe crisis in Darfur is one of the world’s most significant conflicts. In the last decades, frequent drought and increasing demographic pressures are part of the forces that have pushed the region into a spiral of violence leading to a major humanitarian disaster. According to the Environmental Degradation and Conflict in Darfur Report (2009), carried out by the United Nations Environmental Program (UNEP), Darfur illustrates the linkage between poverty, environmental degradation and conflict. However, Darfur cannot be understood merely as a conflict over resources. It is also driven by governmental deficiencies and purposeful mismanagement. The purpose of this paper is therefore to contribute to the study of the role of environmental resources in conflicts and in particular, their contribution toward the perpetuation of violence. Under what conditions does resource scarcity contribute to the perpetuation of violence?Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
closed access
The interaction of security and defence policy in United Kingdom has a distinct relationship. The relationship in this study was checked in the post-war stages of Iraq. The research found...Show moreThe interaction of security and defence policy in United Kingdom has a distinct relationship. The relationship in this study was checked in the post-war stages of Iraq. The research found interesting results on the interaction of policy and press. The nature of British press determines to a level the type of interaction between the two components. A combination of Hallin and Robinson’s theoretical framework was used to describe the interaction between news reporting and British defence and security policy in 2008. The empirical analysis found that the interaction in the entire period of analysis was in the level of policy dissent between the sub-systems and more specifically the political elite. The research also sought to find circumstances under which press attention to an issue such as defence and security policy would be amplified.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
closed access
Recent research of internal conflict has changed the conception of civil war from the clash of two major actors along clearly defined political cleavages because of both theoretical considerations...Show moreRecent research of internal conflict has changed the conception of civil war from the clash of two major actors along clearly defined political cleavages because of both theoretical considerations and observations of civil wars in the post-Cold War era. On one hand, micro-level inquiries of civil wars concentrate on the importance of local issues in civil war environments and call attention to the fact that such local considerations are usually more important in participation and picking sides than past research assumed. On the other hand, the binary perception of civil wars also challenged by the increase in the number of symmetrical non-conventional (SNC) civil wars, fought mainly in multiethnic states and by actors with balanced, yetmutually low military capabilities. I argue that in this type of warfare actors feel less compelled to realign along the main cleavage of the conflict as it has been shown by research on the fluidity of groupallegiance in such wars. By looking at the cases of the Armenian community during Lebanon’s 1975-1990 civil war and the Baggara tribes of South Darfur in the Darfur conflict since 2003 I argue that SNC wars provide a good chance for pursuing neutral strategies. I argue that these neutral strategies are shaped by the values of two variables: the cohesion of the political leadership of the group and the relation between local intercommunal and supralocal national cleavages.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
The South China Sea has been an area of perpetual tension between China, Taiwan, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Thailand, Cambodia, Brunei, and Indonesia. Since 1970 there have only been a few...Show moreThe South China Sea has been an area of perpetual tension between China, Taiwan, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, Thailand, Cambodia, Brunei, and Indonesia. Since 1970 there have only been a few notable encounters between nations but plenty of strong discourse. What makes the conflict stand out is that during all these years there has been no escalation but no resolution either. There has been ample research done as to what possible solutions for the conflict may be, with varying degrees of feasibility. What is severely lacking is a better understanding of how this perpetual status quo is possible. This research looks for answers in three different theoretical schools, namely processual constructivism, hedging, and regional multilateralism. While the first particularly novel theory holds substantial explanatory power as far as China is concerned it fails to incorporate the behavior of other states. Hedging strategies in turn explain the absence of escalation rather well but not so much the absence of a resolution. It is a theory that focuses on Southeast Asian states and not all parties involved. Finally, regional multilateralism best explains the perpetuation of the conflict as well as the absence of a resolution. Ultimately, all these theories complement each other and altogether contribute to a much better understanding of the conflict.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
States can choose to cooperate, delay or escalate their territorial disputes, but there is a lack of understanding of strategy behind each choice. In this study, Russian territorial disputes are...Show moreStates can choose to cooperate, delay or escalate their territorial disputes, but there is a lack of understanding of strategy behind each choice. In this study, Russian territorial disputes are looked at using the theory of omnibalancing and the theory of preventive warfare, theories which have already been applied by Taylor Fravel in his analysis of the Chinese territorial disputes. The results of this research show that Fravel’s approach can explain a slight majority of Russia’s cases, but the explanatory power could be increased by changing certain premises of his theory.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
2012-07-06T00:00:00Z
Recently, the attention given by scholars and academics to the study of Mexican soft power and public diplomacy has not been abundant. The existent literature is not consistent enough to provide a...Show moreRecently, the attention given by scholars and academics to the study of Mexican soft power and public diplomacy has not been abundant. The existent literature is not consistent enough to provide a thorough study and explanation of how the country has so far acknowledged the concept of soft power, and more importantly, what actions need to be followed to start practising public diplomacy as a major, integral component of its foreign policy.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Ideational factors, which range from democracy to human rights, from sustainable peace to multilateralism, have long played an important role in the European Union’s (EU) foreign policies toward...Show moreIdeational factors, which range from democracy to human rights, from sustainable peace to multilateralism, have long played an important role in the European Union’s (EU) foreign policies toward China, with a wide range of issues that could be found in recent decades such as the arms embargo, resolutions critical of China’s human rights in United Nations Commission of Human Rights (UNCHR), and many other fields in EU-China relations. Despite the significance of ideational factors, it is tempting but premature to conclude that the EU’s external policies towards China have been dominated by normative power. The policy preference of the EU towards China is affected by the role of institutions in facilitating the emergence of a sense of community based on shared norms, interests and a common identity. Yet EU positions, decision and actions in the world are produced as the result of often complex interactions in a multi-level system, involving the member states singly and collectively, as well as the common institutions. Would such complex interactions bring some kind of convergence in a normative European policy towards China? How does China respond to the emergence of ideational factors in bilateral relations? Does China see the EU as a normative power? Thus, social constructivist tools should be applied to analyze the emergence of ideational factors as a consequence of both internal interaction within the EU and external interaction between Europe and China. This study focues on the notion of Normative Power Europe (NPE) by examining the role of ideational factors in EU’s foreign and security policies toward China, as well as China’s perception of EU’s promotions and pressures in these values through case studies. More specifically, the study is a two-step process. The first stage is to explore the different goals of multiple European actors and how these goals interact with normative factors in shaping their foreign policy towards China. In this stage, analytical target is not restricted to the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) or European Commission (EC) level, but takes into account member states’ positions and foreign policies toward China. In the second stage, China’s perception of Europe’s normative driven policies will be introduced, by looking into the response of Beijing and relevant literature. This research attempts to explain the lack of a normative convergence in EU and reveal China’s perception in EU’s normative power.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
An investigation into whether or not the economic success of the past 20 years for the BRICS can be attributed to the implementation of sustainable development. It is found that this is not the...Show moreAn investigation into whether or not the economic success of the past 20 years for the BRICS can be attributed to the implementation of sustainable development. It is found that this is not the case but neither was the growth due to the creation of a pollution haven.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
closed access
The BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), now a nascent political grouping of powerful emerging market economies, began as little more than an economic idea. A report...Show moreThe BRICS countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), now a nascent political grouping of powerful emerging market economies, began as little more than an economic idea. A report published by a prominent financial firm coined the term “BRICS” because of their similar economic sizes and future market potential. The report never considered the possibility of these countries forming a grouping. When the global financial crisis began 2007, the BRICS saw an opportunity for cooperation. Naturally, their greatest common interests were to reform this failing financial system. This study examines the factors that explain BRICS cooperation to understand how they contribute to their contemporary degree of cooperation.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
The main focus of this thesis lies in re-examining the impact of territoriality on the conduct of international relations in the context of separatism of exclaves. The enclaves were selected...Show moreThe main focus of this thesis lies in re-examining the impact of territoriality on the conduct of international relations in the context of separatism of exclaves. The enclaves were selected because of their specific territorial character, being separated from their mother state by a territory of another state entity. Our initial hypothesis stating that the demands of independence are formed by coexistence of both territorial and historical factor has been demonstrated on the cases of Cabinda and Oecussi. Using the qualitative comparative analysis, we have justified the selection of variables and conducted a cross-case study that confirmed our hypothesis. According to our findings, the historical background has a more important role in the creation of separatist tendencies than territory, while this has only a modifying effect on the initial preconditions. In the discussion we contrasted this result with the opportunity and willingness model and concluded that causal logic that applies to the interstate conflict does not adequately describe the situation of exclave’s separatism and therefore a further research into this area is needed.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
The concept of reconciliation has been researched often by scholars. Reconciliation is part of the post-conflict reconstruction strategy and the process is mostly seen by scholars as a relevant and...Show moreThe concept of reconciliation has been researched often by scholars. Reconciliation is part of the post-conflict reconstruction strategy and the process is mostly seen by scholars as a relevant and wanted process. However, is that the case in reality? The question researched here is: why do governments engage in national post-conflict reconciliation strategies? This study reviews two post-conflict situations where a reconciliation process was initiated; Rwanda and Sierra Leone. We aim to determine on what factors governments base their choices regarding reconciliation. The cases are examined from a legalist and pragmatist approach. Legalists argue that states choose reconciliation and justice because they believe in the international norms it represents, because they believe in the preventive and deterrent effect of justice and the educational example it can be. Pragmatists however, argue that states choose reconciliation on the basis of self-interest and the distribution of political power. They also argue that states not always believe in the necessity of reconciliation and acknowledge the usefulness of amnesties. The cases of Rwanda and Sierra Leone demonstrate that the choice for reconciliation cannot be fully explained from the legalist approach but are better understood from the pragmatist point of view. Both situations show that the choice of a state for reconciliation is based on different factors that can be summarized as the concept ´the politics of reconciliation´. The government of Rwanda uses the fear of the population for a future genocide in order to keep tight control over the country. The reconciliation initiatives are used to keep track of anything that is going on in society that could be a potential threat and to teach the RPF ideology in order to keep a firm grip on political power. Sierra Leone is influenced by the international community that demands post-conflict reconciliation. It has been argued that one of the origins of the Sierra Leone conflict was poverty and the country has the desire to reconstruct its economy for which a high amount of external investment is needed. These reasons fit within the idea of pragmatists, that actors base their choices upon self-interests, in these cases ensuring political power and attracting external investment.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Under which conditions do rebel groups in multi-party civil wars form alliances? This paper proposes that rebel groups, just as nation states, find themselves in an anarchic context and as a result...Show moreUnder which conditions do rebel groups in multi-party civil wars form alliances? This paper proposes that rebel groups, just as nation states, find themselves in an anarchic context and as a result are trapped in a multi tiered dilemma; on the one hand they face a security dilemma which leads them to strive for cooperation, on the other hand they face the commitment problem and fear betrayal. This paper looks at three variables ‘identity’, ‘ideology’ and ‘foreign support’ as factors that are expected to reduce uncertainty, thus should help overcome the commitment problem and ultimately increase the likelihood that an inter-rebel alliance will form. Looking at two cases of inter-rebel alliances that formed during the war in Darfur; the Sudan Liberation Army/Movement (SLA/M) and the National Redemption Front (NRF) this analysis presents an exploratory attempt to identify factors and conditions that make an inter-rebel alliance more likely.Show less
