This research aims to examine and elaborate on possible changes in the degrees of respect for human rights in Libya and Tunisia before and after the events that took place in 2011, which are known...Show moreThis research aims to examine and elaborate on possible changes in the degrees of respect for human rights in Libya and Tunisia before and after the events that took place in 2011, which are known as the Arab Spring uprisings. By examining the spiral model by Risse and Sikkink (1999) this research is set up to trace a process of change in the degree of respect for human rights towards compliance to human rights norms in both countries. Results show in the case of Libya that the mobilization of both national as well as international actors evidently contributed to regime change during the Arab Spring and improved human rights conditions to a certain extent. Comparable transnational mobilization took place in Tunisia, where domestic opposition was likewise blocked. Tunisia’s post-Arab Spring period marks a time of considerable improvements in human rights conditions and the general respect for human rights. Although human rights violations are still occurring in both countries, the evaluation of past research and the tracing of current transnational involvement with respect to human rights conditions can contribute to the scientific and public understanding of the importance of human rights advocacy. In the long run, the mobilization and support of transnational human rights organizations continues to contribute to future compliance to human rights norms, in these countries and around the globe.Show less
External support to security sector reform (SSR) has emerged as a crucial instrument in international peacebuilding and state-building operations and is widely considered as the sine qua non of...Show moreExternal support to security sector reform (SSR) has emerged as a crucial instrument in international peacebuilding and state-building operations and is widely considered as the sine qua non of contemporary post-conflict reconstruction efforts in post-conflict or fragile states. Although SSR is considered as a core instrument of state-building and as a precondition for achieving peace and development, its record of achievement is quite limited. This thesis seeks to explain how the conventional SSR focus on state security undermines post-conflict transition and fails to enable an environment for sustainable peace and development. Based on the transition processes in Afghanistan and Timor Leste, this thesis argues that a state-centric approach to SSR is likely to be less effective in hybrid states and can even destabilise state recovery by protecting state institutions that are not embedded within society.Show less
This thesis attempts to investigate the extent to which the debate about the indivisibility principle has translated into in tandem state respect for Civil and Political rights and Social and...Show moreThis thesis attempts to investigate the extent to which the debate about the indivisibility principle has translated into in tandem state respect for Civil and Political rights and Social and Economic rights. Adapting and expanding on the ideas and methods proposed by Minkler and others, and building on the work of the CIRI data project and the SERF initiative, an empirical method is provided for the assessment of states’ de facto adhesion to the principle of indivisibility, which is enshrined in Human Rights law. Both global and country-specific longitudinal profiles of human rights respect are provided. The indivisibility thesis is tested via a series of numerical techniques. Furthermore, an empirical investigation is carried out to examine the extent to which human rights are in practice interdependent. In doing so, a bird’s-eye view analysis of states’ respect for human rights is provided. Results show that states’ practices in terms of upholding civil and political rights and fulfilling economic and social rights are neither frequently exercised, nor reveal any sort of dependence or reinforcing characteristic. In addition, although civil and political liberties are especially vulnerable, states that prioritized these rights seem just as concerned in fulfilling economic and social rights, whereas the opposite does not hold true. Finally, the pertinence and applications of the proposed methods and findings are discussed.Show less
Research master thesis | Political Science and Public Administration (research) (MSc)
open access
This study investigates the relationship between actorness and effectiveness and questions the direct influence of coherent behavior united positions of EU member states on the degree of activeness...Show moreThis study investigates the relationship between actorness and effectiveness and questions the direct influence of coherent behavior united positions of EU member states on the degree of activeness the EU exerts during an international crisis. It looks at the interplay between actorness, the institutional setup of the EU and the role it took up during different crises. In addition to that, it questions the direct relation between a high degree of actorness translating into more influence on the international stage. It does so by answering the question if a more coherent foreign policy – as it is generally argued – would better enable the EU to exploit its capability as an international actor in global affairs. Two cases were studied to find answers on these questions: the Mali and the Syrian crises. In fact, the Mali crisis was characterized by a high degree of cohesive behavior, whereas in the Syrian crisis frictions were predominant even though a comprehensive sanctions regime could be installed. Institutional aspects, namely the changes with regards to EU foreign policy introduced by the Lisbon Treaty as well as characteristics of the member states, including size and length of membership, were vital as well. Further, the activeness of the EU in both crisis was different in the way that the EU took up a more active and decisive role in the Mali crisis as compared to Syria. Therefore, the expected effect could be found in both cases.Show less
This research tries to scrutinize the influence of pro-migration interest group arguments towards the immigration policy of the European Union. As a case study the influence of different kinds of...Show moreThis research tries to scrutinize the influence of pro-migration interest group arguments towards the immigration policy of the European Union. As a case study the influence of different kinds of arguments of pro-migration interest groups used as an answer on a public consultation about the Common European Asylum System in 2007 is chosen to investigate. Via a documentary analyses the influence between human rights-based arguments and cost arguments were tried measured. This was not possible, because the pro-migration interest groups almost only made human rights-based arguments. There is though evidence found that suggest that the Commission copied mainly recommendations that were in line with the aims that the Commission stated in the Green Paper. This seems to suggest that the Green Paper is an agenda-setting power tool that diminishes the amount of influence that pro-migration interest groups can have on the European immigration policy.Show less
Regional integration is on the political agenda in all parts of the world. During the time of post-colonial development and liberation struggles, Southern Africa saw its share of attempts at closer...Show moreRegional integration is on the political agenda in all parts of the world. During the time of post-colonial development and liberation struggles, Southern Africa saw its share of attempts at closer economic and political ties between states within the region. Today, the dominant regional organization in Southern Africa is the Southern African Development Community. Many regional organizations in the developing world, including SADC, explicitly state that a large part of the regional integration project is towards a goal of attracting an increase in foreign direct investment. The ability to attract FDI is based on various factors; covering many of these is the combined level of perceived political risk. Economic and political instability, social unrest, ethnic and military conflict, corruption in government, the threat of expropriation and breaches of contract; political risk is a multi-faceted concept. The thesis identifies what types of political risks are prevalent in the Southern African region. The research focus addresses what SADC as a regional actor has contributed towards lowering the levels of political risk in specific countries and parts of the region. The thesis demonstrates that as theoretical assumptions and empirical evidence argue that regional integration is positive for the ability to attract FDI, Southern African countries face many obstacles on the way towards a fully integrated economic community. Meanwhile, the prospects for peace and security in the region are better at present than twenty years ago. The establishment and maintenance of legal, security and financial frameworks that would add to securing the interests of both the foreign investors and the host country and government are often lacking. Furthermore, the implementation of regional institutions have been hampered by various factors, including the member states’ own interests and a general unwillingness towards ceding sovereignty to transnational institutions . The role of South Africa as a regional hegemon and key policy-maker within SADC is discussed in order to further examine the regional dynamics in Southern Africa.Show less
There are a number of entities such as Abkhazia, Taiwan, Somaliland, East Timor, to name a few, that are all secessionist de facto independent states. However, they are treated differently by the...Show moreThere are a number of entities such as Abkhazia, Taiwan, Somaliland, East Timor, to name a few, that are all secessionist de facto independent states. However, they are treated differently by the international community, and external recognition was only granted for East Timor. As long as the pattern behind the selective recognition of new states is unclear and while ongoing secessionist conflicts persist around the world, this thesis aims to answer the following question: what are the main factors behind the external recognition of newly created states? In other words, why are some secessionist states externally recognized while others are not? It is argued here that there is not one specific factor that leads to external recognition; rather, there is a set of factors that together explain selective recognition of secessionist states. In order to answer the research question and to define this set of factors qualitative comparative analysis is used in this work.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Since its establishment in 2002, the International Criminal Court (ICC) has taken on the ambitious goal of ending impunity for the gravest international crimes. However, this judicial institution...Show moreSince its establishment in 2002, the International Criminal Court (ICC) has taken on the ambitious goal of ending impunity for the gravest international crimes. However, this judicial institution has been strongly criticized for arguably obstructing peace. Although peace and justice are inevitably linked, blindly pursuing justice without considering political implications such as its potential impact on peace negotiations is not only reckless, but fails to recognize the existence of a bigger picture. This thesis attempts to analyze the conditions under which ICC intervention in ongoing civil conflict facilitates the success or failure of peace negotiations. I argue that international law cannot be seen as functioning in complete isolation from politics. If ICC action has in fact an impact on peace negotiations, the ICC needs to be aware of this and take it into account before intervening in an ongoing conflict. In order to analyze this argument, I will conduct two case studies on the situation and peace negotiations in Uganda and Darfur, Sudan, respectively.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
It is argued that host country factors have predictive value for the completion of Chinese investment in overseas oil and gas assets, as well as for the value of such deals. Using this thesis’...Show moreIt is argued that host country factors have predictive value for the completion of Chinese investment in overseas oil and gas assets, as well as for the value of such deals. Using this thesis’ unique dataset, which accounts for 198 states worldwide and the time period 1999-2012, four hypotheses are tested by performing ordered logit regression and Tobit regression analyses. Anticipating the results, the five main findings are presented here. For unambiguous interpretation, note that ‘Chinese investment’ refers to investment in overseas oil and gas assets. First, contrary to the impression obtained from media reports quoted above, Chinese investment is more likely to be accepted in states with institutional designs ranking higher in terms of institutional quality. Second, rentier states, whose leaders politically depend on the control over natural resources, do not take the expected defensive stance towards Chinese investments. Instead, a host country’s oil dependence is positively related to not only deal completion per se, but also to the amount of money invested. Gas dependence, on the other hand, is not significant in any of the models presented here. Third, Chinese investment is not only more likely, but also granted in higher volumes, in states that rank higher in terms of creditworthiness. Fourth, the financial crisis has provided all three Chinese investors - the NOCs, CDB, and CIC - with an opportunity to increase chances of deal completion as well as the amount invested. Fifth, separate analyses for Asia indicate that Chinese investment follows different patterns in its regional neighborhood, highlighting the need for further research to build on this thesis.Show less
The central research question presented in this thesis is: To what extent does Europeanization create barriers and/or opportunities for a transition towards competitive authoritarianism in Turkey?...Show moreThe central research question presented in this thesis is: To what extent does Europeanization create barriers and/or opportunities for a transition towards competitive authoritarianism in Turkey? In order to answer this question, this thesis employs an institution-centered theoretical framework of a qualitative case study that uses process tracing to analyze formal and informal institutional change in Turkey. Institutional change is operationalized by the conversion/layering model, which identifies how the characteristics of institutions have been transformed by the Europeanization process. This study determines that under the AKP administration, the Europeanization process has created more opportunities than barriers for Turkey to transition from democracy consolidation towards a competitive authoritarian regime.Show less
