In 1973, the emergence of all-powerful statesmen in the principal European monarchies was identified by Bérenger as the Euroepan phenomenon of the minister-favourite. In 1999, Elliott and Brockliss...Show moreIn 1973, the emergence of all-powerful statesmen in the principal European monarchies was identified by Bérenger as the Euroepan phenomenon of the minister-favourite. In 1999, Elliott and Brockliss actualized and expanded the understanding of this phenomenon with the help of various scholars and the latest advances in the study of the principal minster-favourites. Taking as a reference the last studies of Orry and Dubois, this paper will analyze their memorials to measure the degree to which the context of the early 18th century promoted the reemergence of the power and state conceptualization held by the original minister-favourites.Show less
This thesis seeks to examine how the reliance of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) on the mutasaddi (governor) of the imperial harbour town of Surat differed between the governorship of Diânat...Show moreThis thesis seeks to examine how the reliance of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) on the mutasaddi (governor) of the imperial harbour town of Surat differed between the governorship of Diânat Khan (1699-1701) and the governorship of Haider Quli Khan (1716-1719). As the years surrounding the death of Emperor Aurangzeb in 1707 saw local mutasaddi strengthen their position, the VOC reconsidered its approach to problem-solving. The comparison between these two governorships makes it clear that the VOC displayed a clear preference for a local solution negotiated with the governor. During the governorship of Diânat Khan, reaching out to the emperor was still considered as an option. However, it was seen as a more expensive and less effective alternative that required support from local government officials to work. Two decades later during the governorship of Haider Quli Khan, the VOC made it clear that they had lost faith in the emperor’s authority within Surat. They relied more heavily on the governor than before for matters of security, trade and conflict-resolution. Examining these periods shows that the VOC dealt with a much wider range of officials than often assumed, preferred the efficiency of a deal with the governor over a deal with the emperor, and worked with local government to approach the emperor when local authority was not enough to solve an issue.Show less
