This thesis analyses how, if at all, the Israeli claim to Jerusalem has evolved since 1948. To answer this question, it compares discourse in The Early Years (1948-1967) and The Post Six-Day War...Show moreThis thesis analyses how, if at all, the Israeli claim to Jerusalem has evolved since 1948. To answer this question, it compares discourse in The Early Years (1948-1967) and The Post Six-Day War Era (1967-2018) periods within three key areas – political, cultural and legal developments. The results show a surface-level evolution of the claim in certain aspects such as the growth of messianism and fundamental legal changes. However, amidst this superficial evolution, a profound substantive consistency prevails across both periods in political and cultural discourse, where the essence remains unchanged, particularly evidenced in the enduring national consensus on the issue and conceptualisation of Jerusalem in the national identity. The implications of this reinforce the notion of a united Jerusalem as a symbolic bedrock of Israel’s existence, historical legitimacy and foundational narrative.Show less
Very little has been written on the literature between small and middle power states. The assumption in academic IR literature is that the size of small states automatically makes them vulnerable...Show moreVery little has been written on the literature between small and middle power states. The assumption in academic IR literature is that the size of small states automatically makes them vulnerable and weak, without any power to shape decisions of middle power states. This thesis examines the relationship between small states, the Pacific Islands, and regional middle power Australia. In order to answer the question “How do the Pacific Island States, as small states, attempt to exert influence on climate change decisions over middle power state Australia in the international environment?” this study employs a qualitative research design of small and middle power states. By showing collective leadership through the United Nations, the PIS are able to influence debates and agenda-setting of middle power states on the norm climate change at the international level. However, the influence of small states on Australia’s climate policies is limited and depends on the receptiveness of the Australian government. Yet, the current geopolitical competition between Australia and China occasionally offers the PIS opportunities to pressure the Australian government.Show less
Since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, Northern Ireland has been transitioning into a peaceful society. To reinvent its reputation and cater to modern needs, its tourist industry has...Show moreSince the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, Northern Ireland has been transitioning into a peaceful society. To reinvent its reputation and cater to modern needs, its tourist industry has looked towards Northern Irish cultural elements which will signify a new, safe Northern Ireland. Despite its efforts to shed its violent past, many travel to the Northern Irish capital of Belfast to learn more about The Troubles. This has created a booming mural tour tradition, in which visitors travel through the city in search of the many murals that tell the stories of the communities involved in the conflict. Northern Irish muralism has since its first use functioned to advocate for political objectives, but has since become the primary tool in advocating the political aims of the dominant ideologies: Nationalism and Unionism. The murals now hold the power to convince viewers of their ideology to create public support out of which political change can be demanded. They are thus potent political instruments, and according by whom or how they are used have significant implications for the future of Northern IrelandShow less
Since 2009, northeastern states in Nigeria have been heavily plagued by the insurgency group Boko Haram. Additionally, an upsurge in recruitment and radicalization among Nigerian youth can be...Show moreSince 2009, northeastern states in Nigeria have been heavily plagued by the insurgency group Boko Haram. Additionally, an upsurge in recruitment and radicalization among Nigerian youth can be observed. Subsequently, fear and distrust in youth among communities arise, where young Nigerians are perceived as inherently dangerous, feared to be involved with Boko Haram. The emergence this stereotype has profound implications for the position of youth in society and prompts questions regarding the factors that contribute to the perpetuation of this stereotype. Therefore, this research aims to explore how youth in northeast Nigeria are portrayed through public and policy discourse, especially in regards to Boko Haram. Employing Critical Discourse Analysis as the methodological framework, this research critically scrutinizesif the Nigerian media, politicians and policymakers depict youth as a threat to society. Findings of the discourse analysis reveal a prevailing negative rhetoric surrounding youth in northeast Nigeria. They are presented as a demographic who are often unemployed and excluded from society. Additionally, young Nigerians are consistently associated with recruitment, radicalization, crimes and involvement in violent extremist groups such as Boko Haram. All these components appear interconnected, revealing a vicious cycle of stigmatization and violence. Drawing upon securitization theory, this research concludes that media, policymakers and politicians wield their influence to portray youth as a threatening actor to society, contributing to the perpetuation of a detrimental narrative that further fuels stigmatization and marginalization of youth in northeast Nigeria.Show less
Abstract For the majority of its history, the Just War Tradition (JWT) has attempted to limit the occurrence of violence in the violent world it found itself. Today, out of noble causes, the same...Show moreAbstract For the majority of its history, the Just War Tradition (JWT) has attempted to limit the occurrence of violence in the violent world it found itself. Today, out of noble causes, the same tradition is becoming more interventionist by incentivizing the market for force in which Private Military and Security Companies have carved out a role for themselves. In this thesis the origin of the normalization of private violence in JWT will be accounted for and how it allows for more violence, rather than limiting it. These so-called PMSCs will be analyzed in two ways. The theological origin of arguments permitting their usage will be accounted for before analyzing the risks that comes with this. The latter part will be the main focus and is done by following the principles laid out by Aquino: 1) legitimate authority, 2) just cause, and 3) right intention. By looking at the state of the art of PMSC ethics, the debates in contemporary JWT will be accused of being disagreements in details, and not concerned with the theological foundations of their convictions. Namely, by accounting for the privatized turn JWT took, I will show how a cosmopolitan politics is causing this relaxing of norms and is at risk of being permissible to increases of violence. This originated in Pelagian theology who argued for the possibility of human perfection through social and moral progress. Kantian liberalism, the modern equivalent of this belief, has prioritized just cause over other principles and moves the JWT away from one of its core functions; namely, limiting the destructiveness of war. The other core function is to limit injustices, which has devolved into the attempt to eradicate all injustices and overturns ethical positions on private violence.Show less
This research investigates the radicalization trajectories within the British extremist spectrum, with a specific focus on two groups characterized by their heightened antagonistic ideologies: the...Show moreThis research investigates the radicalization trajectories within the British extremist spectrum, with a specific focus on two groups characterized by their heightened antagonistic ideologies: the British Muslim community and the British far-right groups. The analyzed period spans from 2005 to 2013, a time marked by an upsurge in extremist hate crimes, escalating further until a significant number of British Muslims decided to abandon their lives in the United Kingdom to join the ranks of the Islamic State’s caliphate. Drawing on Moghaddam’s (2018) mutual radicalization model, this research analyzes three stages considered as the cornerstones in the construction of the radicalization model: the group mobilization, heightened cohesion within the respective groups, and the transformative shifts in antagonistic identity. Critical discourse analysis is applied as a method for assessment of the collected evidence, in order to evaluate the model’s efficacy. Ultimately, this study underscores the model’s value in comprehending group actions and processes, particularly in response to trigger events such as hate crimes or acts of terrorism. However, limitations arise when accounting for external variables that transcend the mutual radicalization’s binary framework. By shedding light on the added value as well as the limitations of this model, this study provides valuable insights for future research on group radicalization, while informing the policymakers about the angles to consider when formulating counter-extremist strategies.Show less
This research seeks to elucidate the unique position of Burkina Faso in West Africa, focusing on its ethnic, religious, and national narratives as pivotal in shaping the aspirations of the jihadist...Show moreThis research seeks to elucidate the unique position of Burkina Faso in West Africa, focusing on its ethnic, religious, and national narratives as pivotal in shaping the aspirations of the jihadist group, JNIM. The study investigates JNIM's efforts to attain legitimacy in Burkina Faso, exploring both its long-term strategy and its potential divergent ambition of purely military and economic control. Central to this investigation is a comparative analysis of three forms of legitimacy in Burkina Faso: local pre-established, the state, and JNIM. The research employs David Beetham's (1991) threefold model of legitimacy, introducing a novel methodological approach to studying jihadist insurgencies in West Africa.Show less
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a long-running conflict between the Jewish Israelis and the Arab Palestinians, two peoples which claim one and the same territory. Levels of violence in the...Show moreThe Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a long-running conflict between the Jewish Israelis and the Arab Palestinians, two peoples which claim one and the same territory. Levels of violence in the conflict have not been stable, but have witnessed ups and downs over time. Often in this conflict, upsurges in violence have affected civilians. This research looks at violence committed by the Israeli government towards Palestinian civilians, and specifically at what factors contribute to the upsurges in Israeli violence. Academic research has delivered multiple insights regarding plausible explanations. Some scholars attribute the upsurges in violence to variations in the ideological convictions of the Israeli government in power (Jensehaugen et al., 2012; Mitchell, 2015), whereas other scholars have suggested that the electoral considerations of the Israeli government in power explain the upsurges in violence (Yakter & Tessler, 2022; Arian, 1995; Shamir & Rahat, 2022; Shamir & Shiqāqī, 2010). Yet other academics have sought to explain the upsurges in violence by investigating varying degrees of support from the government of the United States (Freedman, 2012; Druks, 2001; Alteras, 1993; Heller, 2016). Although these studies have investigated how these factors have contributed to upsurges in violence, none of these studies have addressed the question which theory has been most responsible for the upsurges in violence. This research attempts to fill this knowledge gap by using comparative methods and statistical evidence regarding the 1948 War, the First and the Second Intifada, which are three periods of excessive violence by Israel against Palestinian civilians.Show less
Trauma is in a large sense socially constructed, shaped by what is said, and maybe even more so by what is not said. This thesis attempts to investigate the role of NGOs in the process of trauma...Show moreTrauma is in a large sense socially constructed, shaped by what is said, and maybe even more so by what is not said. This thesis attempts to investigate the role of NGOs in the process of trauma and the construction of trauma identities. Do women who have been subjected to sexual violence during the Yugoslavian Wars associate more with the narrative of victimhood, or with the narrative of survivorship? Through a critical discourse analysis of the websites of three Yugoslavian NGOs, several discourses will be distinguished and explained.Show less
The current war in Ukraine and the coinciding tectonic shifts in geopolitics have made discussions about the role of the US as the security provider of the European continent and the increased role...Show moreThe current war in Ukraine and the coinciding tectonic shifts in geopolitics have made discussions about the role of the US as the security provider of the European continent and the increased role of the EU as a security actor within the European security architecture more relevant than ever. It is therefore crucial to understand the US White House perspectives on the development of the EU as a more autonomous security actor. That is why this thesis analyses the research question ‘Has the US perspective on the development of the EU as a more autonomous security actor changed under the administrations of Trump and Biden and if so how?’ by using a critical discourse analysis. The findings underpin that this perspective has changed from a skeptical and critical perspective under the Trump administration to a supportive and stimulating perspective under the Biden administration. This change is meaningful as it has contributed to a context whereby EU defence policies can be realized more easily, while also leading to actual steps of enhanced cooperative US-EU security measures contributing to the further development of the EU as a more autonomous security actor. This change can be explained by two core reasons. First, perceptions will differ when two administrations look at the same international strategic context, which is shifting towards a multipolar world order, through different lenses. Second, in certain circumstances these lenses must bow to the hard reality of the international strategic context if it is sufficiently undeniable. This led to a situation whereby the start of the full-scale war in Ukraine made the Biden administration realize that it needs the EU as a partner in order to defend the US led world order and hegemonial position with multiple geopolitical threats now coming its way, the most important one still coming from China.Show less
