Since 2009, northeastern states in Nigeria have been heavily plagued by the insurgency group Boko Haram. Additionally, an upsurge in recruitment and radicalization among Nigerian youth can be...Show moreSince 2009, northeastern states in Nigeria have been heavily plagued by the insurgency group Boko Haram. Additionally, an upsurge in recruitment and radicalization among Nigerian youth can be observed. Subsequently, fear and distrust in youth among communities arise, where young Nigerians are perceived as inherently dangerous, feared to be involved with Boko Haram. The emergence this stereotype has profound implications for the position of youth in society and prompts questions regarding the factors that contribute to the perpetuation of this stereotype. Therefore, this research aims to explore how youth in northeast Nigeria are portrayed through public and policy discourse, especially in regards to Boko Haram. Employing Critical Discourse Analysis as the methodological framework, this research critically scrutinizesif the Nigerian media, politicians and policymakers depict youth as a threat to society. Findings of the discourse analysis reveal a prevailing negative rhetoric surrounding youth in northeast Nigeria. They are presented as a demographic who are often unemployed and excluded from society. Additionally, young Nigerians are consistently associated with recruitment, radicalization, crimes and involvement in violent extremist groups such as Boko Haram. All these components appear interconnected, revealing a vicious cycle of stigmatization and violence. Drawing upon securitization theory, this research concludes that media, policymakers and politicians wield their influence to portray youth as a threatening actor to society, contributing to the perpetuation of a detrimental narrative that further fuels stigmatization and marginalization of youth in northeast Nigeria.Show less
Abstract For the majority of its history, the Just War Tradition (JWT) has attempted to limit the occurrence of violence in the violent world it found itself. Today, out of noble causes, the same...Show moreAbstract For the majority of its history, the Just War Tradition (JWT) has attempted to limit the occurrence of violence in the violent world it found itself. Today, out of noble causes, the same tradition is becoming more interventionist by incentivizing the market for force in which Private Military and Security Companies have carved out a role for themselves. In this thesis the origin of the normalization of private violence in JWT will be accounted for and how it allows for more violence, rather than limiting it. These so-called PMSCs will be analyzed in two ways. The theological origin of arguments permitting their usage will be accounted for before analyzing the risks that comes with this. The latter part will be the main focus and is done by following the principles laid out by Aquino: 1) legitimate authority, 2) just cause, and 3) right intention. By looking at the state of the art of PMSC ethics, the debates in contemporary JWT will be accused of being disagreements in details, and not concerned with the theological foundations of their convictions. Namely, by accounting for the privatized turn JWT took, I will show how a cosmopolitan politics is causing this relaxing of norms and is at risk of being permissible to increases of violence. This originated in Pelagian theology who argued for the possibility of human perfection through social and moral progress. Kantian liberalism, the modern equivalent of this belief, has prioritized just cause over other principles and moves the JWT away from one of its core functions; namely, limiting the destructiveness of war. The other core function is to limit injustices, which has devolved into the attempt to eradicate all injustices and overturns ethical positions on private violence.Show less
This research investigates the radicalization trajectories within the British extremist spectrum, with a specific focus on two groups characterized by their heightened antagonistic ideologies: the...Show moreThis research investigates the radicalization trajectories within the British extremist spectrum, with a specific focus on two groups characterized by their heightened antagonistic ideologies: the British Muslim community and the British far-right groups. The analyzed period spans from 2005 to 2013, a time marked by an upsurge in extremist hate crimes, escalating further until a significant number of British Muslims decided to abandon their lives in the United Kingdom to join the ranks of the Islamic State’s caliphate. Drawing on Moghaddam’s (2018) mutual radicalization model, this research analyzes three stages considered as the cornerstones in the construction of the radicalization model: the group mobilization, heightened cohesion within the respective groups, and the transformative shifts in antagonistic identity. Critical discourse analysis is applied as a method for assessment of the collected evidence, in order to evaluate the model’s efficacy. Ultimately, this study underscores the model’s value in comprehending group actions and processes, particularly in response to trigger events such as hate crimes or acts of terrorism. However, limitations arise when accounting for external variables that transcend the mutual radicalization’s binary framework. By shedding light on the added value as well as the limitations of this model, this study provides valuable insights for future research on group radicalization, while informing the policymakers about the angles to consider when formulating counter-extremist strategies.Show less
This research seeks to elucidate the unique position of Burkina Faso in West Africa, focusing on its ethnic, religious, and national narratives as pivotal in shaping the aspirations of the jihadist...Show moreThis research seeks to elucidate the unique position of Burkina Faso in West Africa, focusing on its ethnic, religious, and national narratives as pivotal in shaping the aspirations of the jihadist group, JNIM. The study investigates JNIM's efforts to attain legitimacy in Burkina Faso, exploring both its long-term strategy and its potential divergent ambition of purely military and economic control. Central to this investigation is a comparative analysis of three forms of legitimacy in Burkina Faso: local pre-established, the state, and JNIM. The research employs David Beetham's (1991) threefold model of legitimacy, introducing a novel methodological approach to studying jihadist insurgencies in West Africa.Show less
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a long-running conflict between the Jewish Israelis and the Arab Palestinians, two peoples which claim one and the same territory. Levels of violence in the...Show moreThe Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a long-running conflict between the Jewish Israelis and the Arab Palestinians, two peoples which claim one and the same territory. Levels of violence in the conflict have not been stable, but have witnessed ups and downs over time. Often in this conflict, upsurges in violence have affected civilians. This research looks at violence committed by the Israeli government towards Palestinian civilians, and specifically at what factors contribute to the upsurges in Israeli violence. Academic research has delivered multiple insights regarding plausible explanations. Some scholars attribute the upsurges in violence to variations in the ideological convictions of the Israeli government in power (Jensehaugen et al., 2012; Mitchell, 2015), whereas other scholars have suggested that the electoral considerations of the Israeli government in power explain the upsurges in violence (Yakter & Tessler, 2022; Arian, 1995; Shamir & Rahat, 2022; Shamir & Shiqāqī, 2010). Yet other academics have sought to explain the upsurges in violence by investigating varying degrees of support from the government of the United States (Freedman, 2012; Druks, 2001; Alteras, 1993; Heller, 2016). Although these studies have investigated how these factors have contributed to upsurges in violence, none of these studies have addressed the question which theory has been most responsible for the upsurges in violence. This research attempts to fill this knowledge gap by using comparative methods and statistical evidence regarding the 1948 War, the First and the Second Intifada, which are three periods of excessive violence by Israel against Palestinian civilians.Show less
Trauma is in a large sense socially constructed, shaped by what is said, and maybe even more so by what is not said. This thesis attempts to investigate the role of NGOs in the process of trauma...Show moreTrauma is in a large sense socially constructed, shaped by what is said, and maybe even more so by what is not said. This thesis attempts to investigate the role of NGOs in the process of trauma and the construction of trauma identities. Do women who have been subjected to sexual violence during the Yugoslavian Wars associate more with the narrative of victimhood, or with the narrative of survivorship? Through a critical discourse analysis of the websites of three Yugoslavian NGOs, several discourses will be distinguished and explained.Show less
The current war in Ukraine and the coinciding tectonic shifts in geopolitics have made discussions about the role of the US as the security provider of the European continent and the increased role...Show moreThe current war in Ukraine and the coinciding tectonic shifts in geopolitics have made discussions about the role of the US as the security provider of the European continent and the increased role of the EU as a security actor within the European security architecture more relevant than ever. It is therefore crucial to understand the US White House perspectives on the development of the EU as a more autonomous security actor. That is why this thesis analyses the research question ‘Has the US perspective on the development of the EU as a more autonomous security actor changed under the administrations of Trump and Biden and if so how?’ by using a critical discourse analysis. The findings underpin that this perspective has changed from a skeptical and critical perspective under the Trump administration to a supportive and stimulating perspective under the Biden administration. This change is meaningful as it has contributed to a context whereby EU defence policies can be realized more easily, while also leading to actual steps of enhanced cooperative US-EU security measures contributing to the further development of the EU as a more autonomous security actor. This change can be explained by two core reasons. First, perceptions will differ when two administrations look at the same international strategic context, which is shifting towards a multipolar world order, through different lenses. Second, in certain circumstances these lenses must bow to the hard reality of the international strategic context if it is sufficiently undeniable. This led to a situation whereby the start of the full-scale war in Ukraine made the Biden administration realize that it needs the EU as a partner in order to defend the US led world order and hegemonial position with multiple geopolitical threats now coming its way, the most important one still coming from China.Show less
This thesis problematises the finding that resource-rich rebels do not govern civilians because of their short-term perspectives and fixation on looting which results in predatory behaviour....Show moreThis thesis problematises the finding that resource-rich rebels do not govern civilians because of their short-term perspectives and fixation on looting which results in predatory behaviour. Therefore, this thesis investigates under what conditions resource-rich rebels do engage in rebel governance. I argue that the characteristics of natural resources affect the exploitation strategy of rebels, which comprises extraction, kidnapping and theft. Those exploitation strategies and the presence or absence of armed competition over resource-rich territory, determine the extent to which resource-rich rebels govern civilians. Three rebel groups are analysed through a focused structured comparison in combination with process tracing. The analyses have revealed that rebels who enjoy both a complete and partial monopoly on resource-rich territory have the ability to divert their resources to rebel governance. Further findings have revealed that rebel groups who adopt extraction as an exploitation strategy engages in governance. In particular, rebel groups mobilise civilians to extract resources in order to acquire economic rents as well as establish civilian administrations to impose taxes and provide security and welfare services. To obtain profits from natural resources, rebels depend on civilians for physical labour. Therefore, rebels establish contractual relations with the local population which results in rebel governance. Hence, resource-rich rebels perceive civilians as valuable assets who can sustain their rebellion. These findings provide an intriguing theoretical framework which renders the first tools to unravel the conditions under which resource-rich rebels govern.Show less
This thesis aims to discuss how modern-day sanctions came to be. It argues that sanctions are a direct result of World War One Entente economic and financial policies towards the central powers,...Show moreThis thesis aims to discuss how modern-day sanctions came to be. It argues that sanctions are a direct result of World War One Entente economic and financial policies towards the central powers, which were then repurposed to be used in peace time after the war as an instrument to enforce the will of the newly established League of Nations.Show less
In February 2022, the worst humanitarian and refugee crisis since 1940 unfolded in Europe, following the Russian war against Ukraine (OECD International Migration Outlook 2022, 4). In 2015 already,...Show moreIn February 2022, the worst humanitarian and refugee crisis since 1940 unfolded in Europe, following the Russian war against Ukraine (OECD International Migration Outlook 2022, 4). In 2015 already, Europe had faced a sharp increase in demands for asylum, following the Syrian civil war. Immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers have been generally marginalized in recent years in Europe, through an ‘us and them’ rhetoric. The welcoming of Ukrainian refugees however, demonstrated a never seen before impetus for support and integration, proving the European ability to set up effective and quick responses to humanitarian crisis. Why then, were such means never deployed before? Why did European member-states never demonstrate a similar level of cohesion before? And what does that say about the ways in which the European Commission sets its migration policies? This thesis will shed light on the European Commission’s setting of policy- responses on migration, through a comparative study of the Syrian and Ukrainian migration crises, to explore the potential ‘double-standard’ on refugees.Show less
This paper examines how the Iranian diasporic community in the United States frames the current women-led movement in Iran. In particular, using Erving Goffman’s question of “what is it that is...Show moreThis paper examines how the Iranian diasporic community in the United States frames the current women-led movement in Iran. In particular, using Erving Goffman’s question of “what is it that is going on” to identify whether Ajam Media Collective and the Iranian Diaspora Collective are aware of the many forms of feminism that exist in Iran or whether they continue to enforce the dominant Western feminist doctrine in their framing of Iranian women and their participation in the current movement. In the examination, the focus is on the traditional narratives of the protection scenario and Orientalism to better understand the politics of pity and how the research by Joanna de Groot, Saba Mahmood, and Sara Mameni provides alternative understandings of what it means to be a feminist. Concluding that even though both organizations have a different approach in the framing of Iranian women and their feminism, it becomes clear that the dominant feminist doctrine did influence the diasporic community.Show less
