In theories of armed conflict in international relations and security studies, human psychology, namely the concept of collective trauma, is very little taken into account. However, considering...Show moreIn theories of armed conflict in international relations and security studies, human psychology, namely the concept of collective trauma, is very little taken into account. However, considering that states and armed groups consist of individuals, their collective traumas might play a role in the outbreak of armed conflict. This paper articulates theoretical elements from IR, memory studies, and psychoanalysis allowing to better grasp how and why collective traumas generated by large-scale violent events may in turn engender armed conflict if they remain unhealed. This articulation leads to a refined theory and mechanism of ‘cycles of violence’, which is then qualitatively tested in two empirical cases: The United States, with 9/11 and the following invasion of Afghanistan; and Afghanistan, with the US intervention and the following insurgency. In both cases it is possible to establish with a high degree of certainty that the respective large-scale violent events caused a collective trauma which, for different reasons, remained unaddressed and participated in the outbreak of further violence. Each case thus represents a cycle of violence itself, and they represent a larger one together. Furthermore, the analysis highlights the power dynamics sometimes preventing proper healing, and sheds light on the case of Afghanistan, in which Western versions of events often dominate.Show less
Abstract This thesis explores the theory of State Recognition and its limits. Using the case of Somaliland as an example to discuss the problems regarding de facto recognition. With the help of...Show moreAbstract This thesis explores the theory of State Recognition and its limits. Using the case of Somaliland as an example to discuss the problems regarding de facto recognition. With the help of diplomatic documents from the United Kingdom and the Netherlands, it tries to build a case that de facto recognition is problematic and often only serves the state that initiates that de facto recognition, as ultimately, the observed behaviour does not seem to indicate that the analysed states consider Somaliland to be a non-state. In conclusion, it is suggested that the situation where a de facto state suffers from non-recognition, but in interactions gets treated as a fully functioning state, can be described as the de facto recognition problem.Show less
