The heightened tensions between Russia and the West, of which the ongoing crisis in and around Ukraine is a good illustration, pose a security threat to the Euro-Atlantic region. This thesis aims...Show moreThe heightened tensions between Russia and the West, of which the ongoing crisis in and around Ukraine is a good illustration, pose a security threat to the Euro-Atlantic region. This thesis aims to contribute to the understanding of Russian foreign policy within the OSCE as well as Russia’s stance towards Euro-Atlantic security issues. It addresses the question how Russia discursively constructs its national identity within the OSCE in the period 2008-2018 and whether these discourses reveal any changes and/or contradictions. This thesis fills an important research gap, because no previous research has been done on Russia’s national identity within the OSCE. A comprehensive understanding of a state’s national identity in its foreign policy is relevant, as it provides insights into the ideological factors that drive how a state defines and pursues its national interests and subsequently foreign policy. A poststructuralist discourse analysis is conducted of the Russian statements delivered at the yearly OSCE Ministerial Council Meetings in the period 2008-2018. The discourse analysis provided insights into how Russia perceives and would like to promote itself within the OSCE. It demonstrated that Russia presents itself within the OSCE as a redeemer of OSCE unilateral actions and an advocate of multilateralism, as a leading, responsible and moral actor that wants to be perceived and treated as a great power, and lastly as a guardian of traditional values and the Russian Orthodox Church.Show less
This thesis explores the extent to which (de)secritization is present in ten speech acts enunciated by the EuVsDisinfo campaign and the Dutch Parliament. This fills a research gap on simultaneous ...Show moreThis thesis explores the extent to which (de)secritization is present in ten speech acts enunciated by the EuVsDisinfo campaign and the Dutch Parliament. This fills a research gap on simultaneous (de)securitization in this particular case study.Show less
Conflicts do not naturally attract the interest of policy makers nor do they naturally garner international recognition and attention. It is therefore essential to understand, if conflicts are...Show moreConflicts do not naturally attract the interest of policy makers nor do they naturally garner international recognition and attention. It is therefore essential to understand, if conflicts are ignored, how inattention manifests itself in inaction, what are the consequences of inattention and why does inattention exist. This thesis will seek to answer these questions within the primary confines of the conflict(s) in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It will be argued that attention is a commodity predominantly distributed by policymakers and media organisations who may choose to pay attention or not. The consequences of inattention, such as increased levels of severity and violence, can therefore be attributed to those purposefully ignoring conflict.Show less
In this thesis, the background of the modern War on Drugs in the United States is explained. Guided by the research question: ‘’How did the American Elites in the United States use the existential...Show moreIn this thesis, the background of the modern War on Drugs in the United States is explained. Guided by the research question: ‘’How did the American Elites in the United States use the existential threat of drugs to securitize racial minorities between 1873 and 1938?’’, this thesis is written. By analyzing 12 articles of the New York Times, guided by the principles of the social constructivism and securitization, the thesis tries to prove racist motives in the War on Drugs. Between 1875 and 1937, three populations have been subject of racism, with drugs as an excuse to hide these racist motives. By linking opiates to the Chinese population, the American Elites found an excuse to discriminate the Chinese population by means of drugs legislation between 1875 and 1900. Shortly after, crack cocaine was heavily illegalised, since it could be linked to the Black population using it. From the 1920's on, Mexicans and Marijuana were closely framed together, before Marijuana legislation passed in Congress. This thesis proves that a collaboration between the New York Times and powerful actors in the United States resulted rather in a war on race instead of a War on Drugs.Show less
This thesis deals with securitization and desecuritization of immigration in right and left wing media in the United States as evidence of polarization through applying critical discourse analysis....Show moreThis thesis deals with securitization and desecuritization of immigration in right and left wing media in the United States as evidence of polarization through applying critical discourse analysis. Considering the current political climate in which matters such as immigration, race and social class are being securitized, research that focuses on how the right and the left wing securitize/desecuritize is important.Show less
Women have proved to be crucial actors in successful peace processes, overcoming obstacles such as the lack of gender inclusivity in traditional peacebuilding. This thesis intends to analyse how...Show moreWomen have proved to be crucial actors in successful peace processes, overcoming obstacles such as the lack of gender inclusivity in traditional peacebuilding. This thesis intends to analyse how and under which circumstances does women's involvement in peacebuilding reach positive results in terms of gender gap and more effective post-conflict reconstruction. More specifically this work explores the differences between two cases, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda, arguing that the key behind the success of the Rwandan example may be found by combining feminist theories and indigenous peacebuilding theories.Show less
This thesis seeks to rectify the paradox of liberal state inclusion by assessing the impact of neoliberalism on the criteria for state inclusion, and thus the values that underpin Europeanness....Show moreThis thesis seeks to rectify the paradox of liberal state inclusion by assessing the impact of neoliberalism on the criteria for state inclusion, and thus the values that underpin Europeanness. This shall be done through a comparative study of the policies and praxis in Greece governing migrants on the two polar ends of the socioeconomic spectrum: asylum seekers migrating without state authorisation v. investor migrants passing through so-called ‘Golden Visa’ programmes. The former group is comprised of individuals forced to flee to survive, yet unable to migrate lawfully to a region where they may apply for asylum due to an absence of safe, legal channels. The latter, though they certainly may have non-economic incentives to migrate, ultimately purchase state inclusion as an asset which suits their needs. This comparison juxtaposes the readiness of the state to grant inclusion on humanitarian grounds against its willingness to grant inclusion as a function of the market.Show less
The African Union emerged in 2002, and presents itself to the world as Africa’s peace actor. Its expressions contain Pan-African ideals, and the conviction that peace and security are main...Show moreThe African Union emerged in 2002, and presents itself to the world as Africa’s peace actor. Its expressions contain Pan-African ideals, and the conviction that peace and security are main prerequisites for a prosperous future. Most AU-studies regard the question if AU’s peacekeeping efforts in interventions are successful, or investigate how states harm the continental endeavour. They conclude that the PSC lacks structural and incidental capacity and political willingness of states. This approach and outcome fits to the dominant realist approach, assuming that the African Union consists of power-seeking states, looking after their interests. This thesis contributes to this debate by utilizing another, constructivist approach. Role theory advances the understanding of this peace actor. The performance of the AU in peace policy, and the position of member states is investigated in the context of role-conception, role-contestation and role-expectations. In this thesis the AU’s role-conception, and how it develops, is central. The definition of this role was not given yet in the CA, although some ingredients where in there. The contestation by states and AU-institutions shaped the self-conception of the AU, and stimulated the policy of prevention. The expectations of others, in particular international financial partners, have had significant influence on the AU. The UN requires IOs to take responsibility in building peace in their region, and pays for AU-led missions. The political and social contexts cause, by a process of socialization, a dynamic and continuously developing self-conception of the AU. The current self-conception of the AU is being a comprehensive power. It deploys troops in African conflict areas as a military power. However, it performed also as a civil power by promoting and supporting CSOs; and even as normative power, by emphasizing the responsibilities for states to secure their people (policy of indifference).Show less
This thesis seeks to assess the foreign policy during the Kenyatta and Moi administration through role theory. Specifically, National Role Conception theory proposed by Holsti(1970) and a content...Show moreThis thesis seeks to assess the foreign policy during the Kenyatta and Moi administration through role theory. Specifically, National Role Conception theory proposed by Holsti(1970) and a content analysis of speeches are utilised to explain foreign policy behaviour in three distinct decades.Show less
