This thesis aimed to establish how Gibridnaya Voyna became a popular framework in Russia to describe Russia’s relationship with the West. Using the process-tracing method, this thesis traced the...Show moreThis thesis aimed to establish how Gibridnaya Voyna became a popular framework in Russia to describe Russia’s relationship with the West. Using the process-tracing method, this thesis traced the two main aspects of the Gibridnaya Voyna framework, NATO expansion and color revolutions, throughout major Russian documents from 1991 to 2016.Show less
This thesis focuses on the peacekeeping partnership between the African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN), in the context of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). It investigates the...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the peacekeeping partnership between the African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN), in the context of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). It investigates the question: “How did the AU and the UN institutional (in)compatibility impact the effectiveness of AMISOM?” Both the practical and executive sides of the institutions involved, and the congruence between the mandate, resources, and activities undertaken are considered when evaluating the effectiveness of the mission. This is done using the congruence component of the analytical framework of Effectiveness of Peace Operations Network (EPON). This part of the framework describes the strategic intent, mandate and aims to understand whether the mission has achieved its mandated tasks, and the extent to which there was consensus about this among various stakeholders. While the mission had a clear mandate, the main form of logistical support, the United Nations Support Office for AMISOM (UNSOA), was not designed to do its job. Mainly because it had roots in the UN’s bureaucratic system, UNSOA was never able to meet the expectations of the mandate and objectives of AMISOM. The partnership between the AU and the UN was born out of the mutual recognition that alone, neither of them could cope with the multitude of security challenges facing Somalia. The mission had a peace-enforcement nature but was unable to successfully carry out its mandate and objectives because of the limitation of using peacekeeping logistics. The inability of overcoming the institutional differences between the two organizations has led to the failure to accomplish the mission’s mandate and the additional objectives and has led to an ineffective peacekeeping partnership that was not successful in living up to its full potential. For future peacekeeping partnerships, this means that working on a more equal and consistent relationship between the AU and the UN will likely improve the effectiveness of the collaboration and the mandate, objectives, and activities of the mission.Show less
Cyberspace is increasingly establishing itself as a domain where malicious actors can achieve quick, asymmetric strategic gains. In response to this trend, many Western states are increasingly...Show moreCyberspace is increasingly establishing itself as a domain where malicious actors can achieve quick, asymmetric strategic gains. In response to this trend, many Western states are increasingly turning to offensive cyber operations to ward off or respond to these events. However, a key question dominating this turn by the West is how ethical, or just, conflict by the West in cyberspace really is. Using a Just War Theory lens, this thesis explores the extent to which modern, Western cyber operation abide by the Jus Ad Bellum principles of Just War Theory. Ultimately, this thesis finds that many Western cyber operations do not abide by an idealized ‘gold standard’ of JWT for cyber: however, there is room for improvement in the future.Show less
This thesis studies the mediation of discourse around the coca leaf in Bolivia. In the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, the coca leaf became classified as a narcotic drug. Indigenous...Show moreThis thesis studies the mediation of discourse around the coca leaf in Bolivia. In the 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, the coca leaf became classified as a narcotic drug. Indigenous groups in Bolivia ascribe great value to the coca leaf and call it a cultural practice. Thus, a political and cultural dichotomy exists with regard to the signification of the coca leaf. While the academic record has confirmed the existence of different types of discourse, it remains unclear how those have been constructed. Through carrying out a Foucauldian discourse analysis, and with Foucault’s ‘regime of truth’ in mind, this thesis deconstructs the discourse around the coca leaf. It concludes that the prohibitionist discourse is based on racial premises and the metaphor that perceives drugs as a diabolical force. Secondly, the discourses articulated by the MAS-government is based on a cultural argument, on indigenous knowledge and decolonisation.Show less
This thesis investigates Germany’s interpretation of European Strategic Autonomy by looking at its strategic culture. Germany’s strategic culture, developed following World War II, emphasizes the...Show moreThis thesis investigates Germany’s interpretation of European Strategic Autonomy by looking at its strategic culture. Germany’s strategic culture, developed following World War II, emphasizes the importance of multilateralism, military restraint, and upholding the status quo. Using these elements, the thesis will evaluate how the idea of ESA aligns with Germany’s strategic culture. This paper uses an interdisciplinary lens to draw upon the disciplines of history, sociology, psychology, political science, and international relations. Along with interviews and a content analysis of primary and secondary sources, the analysis shows that Germany’s strategic culture does influence its interpretation of ESA, which effects its ambition on the topic. This is a relevant topic as in September 2021, Germany will elect a new Chancellor, offering the opportunity to transition its security and defense policies.Show less
Following the hypotheses that comparing different attempts at generating peace within a given intrastate conflict is a useful endeavour and secondly that contemporary academic research on peace...Show moreFollowing the hypotheses that comparing different attempts at generating peace within a given intrastate conflict is a useful endeavour and secondly that contemporary academic research on peace agreements fails to adequately assess the process leading to the fabrication of negative peace, this research will consist of two sections. Firstly, it shall introduce the new phases-of-peace model. A theoretical framework which goes beyond the reach of the overarching theories of peace and takes into account the full range of events which precede the signing of a peace agreement. Secondly it will apply this model to the Colombian case in order to extract valuable lessons by comparing the Pastrana and Santos peace negotiations. The ultimate aim of this research is to utilize the phases-of-peace model to highlight which factors changed between the negotiations and what role they played in the outcome of the negotiations.Show less
White supremacist extremism was thought to have been pushed to the fringes of society, but has steadily become more prominent in mainstream society. There are many possible reasons as to why this...Show moreWhite supremacist extremism was thought to have been pushed to the fringes of society, but has steadily become more prominent in mainstream society. There are many possible reasons as to why this is the case, such as technological advancements making it easier to connect to likeminded individuals or the increased presence of populism in right-wing politics. However, in this thesis I will make the case that President Donald Trump has played a significant role in appealing to, and encouraging white supremacists by using overt and covert racial language.Show less
This thesis answered the question How does the securitization theory help us understand the German government's reaction to the complex and exceptional health/political crisis that emerged from...Show moreThis thesis answered the question How does the securitization theory help us understand the German government's reaction to the complex and exceptional health/political crisis that emerged from COVID 19? Beginning with an elaboration on the securitization theory's critical aspects, the thesis creates a base understanding of the theory. The thesis then moves on to examine existing scholarly works regarding the topic. The thesis then proceeds to apply the four key factors of the theory to the real-life example of COVID 19 in Germany. The first examined factor resulted in Angela Merkel reflecting the securitizing actor's parameters of authority and relevance. The second and third examined factor used a close reading strategy of Merkel's address to the nation from the18th of March 2020 to identify that Merkel uses several rhetorical tools to portray the German health care system as existentially threatened. The last factor examined was the reaction of the German citizens (audience) to the securitizing actor and its speech act. Combining the results makes us understand that the measures taken by the German government with respect to Covid can be considered as a securitization strategy, as understood by the Copenhagen school. The theory then allowed us to use the knowledge from the case study and briefly compare it to other countries. By applying the theory to the real-life example of Germany, one can understand the reaction of the German government to the complex and exceptional health/political crisis that emerged from COVID 19.Show less
China’s increased presence within the UN and its peacekeeping missions shows its will to be a responsible actor, whilst shifting away from the China threat theory that has fed Western thought....Show moreChina’s increased presence within the UN and its peacekeeping missions shows its will to be a responsible actor, whilst shifting away from the China threat theory that has fed Western thought. However, little research has been done on how power is perceived within this field. The state claims to be non-interventionist but still sent an increasing amount of combat troops to Africa. It is unknown if the end goal is to provide aid or if there is more to it. This study intends to research what China’s model for peace and development within the mission of South Sudan entails, both theoretically and practically, and how it might use an underlying strategy of smart power. Herein, Nye’s concept of smart power is a way for a nation to maximise its strength through a combination of hard and soft power. In order to measure smart power, the components of military, economic, and affective and normative soft power were used. Military and economic power exist on as spectrum ranging from hard to soft power, whilst soft power is also devised into tangible and intangible assets. To research power, the thesis has used a variation of academic sources, databases, newspapers, and official governmental papers. These were chosen as to examine official reporting and factual outcomes. The results showed that the Chinese model for development contains soft power elements, whilst its activities in South Sudan employ both soft and hard power. The results therefore suggest that China might pursue a smart power strategy to safeguard its own interests. The realist concept of power still holds up today and might prove valuable to research more areas of power in UN missions on the African continent.Show less
