Regional acts of terrorism remain a significant problem for the countries of West Africa. This thesis seeks to explain the reasons for rebel movements to resort to such sub-national terrorism. By...Show moreRegional acts of terrorism remain a significant problem for the countries of West Africa. This thesis seeks to explain the reasons for rebel movements to resort to such sub-national terrorism. By basing its theoretical framework on the academic literature explaining violence against civilians, this thesis explores the phenomenon of sub-national terrorism. The rebel movements of Boko Haram, the Movement of Democratic Forces in the Casamance (MFDC) and the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) are discussed. By giving meaning to the use of violence against civilians across West Africa, this work aims to discover what exactly leads rebel organizations towards employing methods of sub-national terrorism.Show less
Rising numbers of religious extremism are an increasing concern in Western Europe. As Western Europe is secular, and secular ideology seeks to diminish the influence of religion on society, this...Show moreRising numbers of religious extremism are an increasing concern in Western Europe. As Western Europe is secular, and secular ideology seeks to diminish the influence of religion on society, this rise is peculiar. It raises the question why religious extremism is on the rise in Western Europe despite its secular environment. Evidence suggests there is a causal link between religious extremism and secularism. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to investigate such a causal relation between secularism and religious extremism in Western Europe. To rule out other explanations, this study identified two rival explanations: A cultural disconnect and geopolitical factors. The validity of all three explanations was tested through a case study analysis of France, the Netherlands and Belgium. The results concluded that the cultural disconnect and the geopolitical explanation are not correct. However, the study concluded that certain forms of secularism lead to a rise of religious extremism in Western Europe. The cases demonstrate the mechanism behind this: States enforce disproportionately strict secular policies through a strict separation between the public sphere and the private sphere, and a positive bias towards the pre-existing dominant religion. These two factors trigger reactive religiosity, leading to religious extremism. Conclusively, disproportionate secularism plays a pivotal role in the rise of religious extremism in Western Europe.Show less
This paper details the path of the British defence industrial base against the development in Western capitalism. British economic hegemony of the nineteenth century was inherited by the United...Show moreThis paper details the path of the British defence industrial base against the development in Western capitalism. British economic hegemony of the nineteenth century was inherited by the United States throughout the first decades of the twentieth. The shifts in global ecnonomic structures had profound effects British State-capital relationships. The British state has long been a facilitator of capital. Yet US in the twentieth global dominance has seen this paradigm taken to hitherto unseen levels. Nowhere is this more apparaent than UK government dealings with the Britih defence industry.Show less
A review of the literature on the Russo-Iranian relationship identifies a widening mismatch between expectations and reality. Scholarly expectations highlight a propensity of conflict, based upon...Show moreA review of the literature on the Russo-Iranian relationship identifies a widening mismatch between expectations and reality. Scholarly expectations highlight a propensity of conflict, based upon traditional security considerations resulting in a definition of the Russo-Iranian relationship that is instrumental, limited, and asymmetric – an ‘axis of convenience’. However, the last decade reveals that both Russia and Iran have been able to consolidate their bilateral security ties despite apparent clashes and historical mistrust. Contributing to constructivist scholarship, this thesis engages with international recognition to gain insight into the ideational and normative underpinnings of the Russo-Iranian partnership, in order to provide a new take upon the question why, and to what extent, the partnership does work – instead of why it does not, or will not, work. A constructivist analysis of international recognition and misrecognition has been conducted to answer this thesis’ main research question: What are the ideational underpinnings driving the Russo-Iranian security congruence? The findings in this thesis provide a balanced and contextualized account of both powers’ foreign policies and give greater attention to the forces of congruence shaping the Russo-Iranian partnership in the Middle East and beyond.Show less
A vast number of people have come to Greece as a consequence of the recent war in Syria. Of those, beneficiaries of international protection have the right to be integrated into Greek society....Show moreA vast number of people have come to Greece as a consequence of the recent war in Syria. Of those, beneficiaries of international protection have the right to be integrated into Greek society. Therefore, amplifying the efforts regarding refugees being socially included, given a chance to live in a safer and stable environment, and feel incorporated in Greece’s social structure is imperative. This study has an exploratory aim and qualitative research on this topic highlights various theoretical and practical implications of the challenges in the integration process, the uncovering of current gaps, and the levels of cooperation between three substantial actors involved; the Greek state, Greek civil society actors, and the International Organization for Migration.Show less
This thesis aimed to establish how Gibridnaya Voyna became a popular framework in Russia to describe Russia’s relationship with the West. Using the process-tracing method, this thesis traced the...Show moreThis thesis aimed to establish how Gibridnaya Voyna became a popular framework in Russia to describe Russia’s relationship with the West. Using the process-tracing method, this thesis traced the two main aspects of the Gibridnaya Voyna framework, NATO expansion and color revolutions, throughout major Russian documents from 1991 to 2016.Show less
In 2020, the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda celebrated its 20th anniversary. But amidst a global pushback on women´s rights and the continuation of violence and conflict, the realization of...Show moreIn 2020, the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda celebrated its 20th anniversary. But amidst a global pushback on women´s rights and the continuation of violence and conflict, the realization of the agenda seems a far dream. In Yemen, women played leading roles in the 2011 uprising and the National Dialogue Conference in 2013-2014. Yet, they have increasingly been excluded from Yemen’s political processes and peace efforts. This thesis centers the voices of five Yemeni women, who briefed the United Nations Security Council on the situation in Yemen between 2017 and 2020. Using a postcolonial feminist lens, this thesis investigates how the statements of these women activists and those of the United Kingdom and the United States of America in UN Security Council meetings on Yemen compare, and how these discourses in turn relate to the Women, Peace and Security agenda. In particular, by building on the analytical framework of Laura Shepherd (2008), the thesis analyzes the conceptualizations of gender, security, violence and the international sphere in the discourse. This dissertation argues that – despite their commitments to the WPS agenda – the UK and the US fail to take into account the gendered dimensions of the conflict in Yemen and to recognize the intersectional security threats women in Yemen face. As both states largely fail to engage with the opinions and recommendations of Women Civil Society Briefers from Yemen, they also fall short in reflecting on their own contributions to the continuing conflict in Yemen.Show less
White supremacist extremism was thought to have been pushed to the fringes of society, but has steadily become more prominent in mainstream society. There are many possible reasons as to why this...Show moreWhite supremacist extremism was thought to have been pushed to the fringes of society, but has steadily become more prominent in mainstream society. There are many possible reasons as to why this is the case, such as technological advancements making it easier to connect to likeminded individuals or the increased presence of populism in right-wing politics. However, in this thesis I will make the case that President Donald Trump has played a significant role in appealing to, and encouraging white supremacists by using overt and covert racial language.Show less
Natural disasters pose a unique threat to authoritarian regimes because they can bring existing failures within the structure of governance into sharp relief, thus legitimising the grievances of...Show moreNatural disasters pose a unique threat to authoritarian regimes because they can bring existing failures within the structure of governance into sharp relief, thus legitimising the grievances of rebel groups and increasing the risk of civil conflict. Most regimes therefore attempt to ensure humanitarian aid is secured and distributed, to mitigate such damages. Why then, do some regimes obstruct or deny humanitarian aid if doing so may incur costs to the regime? This thesis solves this puzzle by investigating the cases of the Bhola Cyclone in East Pakistan in 1970 and Cyclone Nargis in Myanmar in 2008 and assessing whether each of four key factors were observable in either case. The four factors are: ethnic and ideological differences; a fear of foreign intervention; elite rivalry; and the exit strategy of the military dictator. This analysis leads to several interesting conclusions. First, ethnic or ideological differences are not enough motivation for a regime to incur the costs of obstructing aid. Second, regimes will deny or obstruct foreign aid if they believe doing so will lead to a decreased risk of civil conflict. Third, elite rivalry may manipulate the regime’s leadership into acting against its own best interests. Finally, authoritarian leaders will prioritise their own exit strategy over the need to prevent untold numbers of civilian deaths.Show less
