The thesis seeks to explain the strategic motivation behind international terrorism by focusing on the audience of the violence. Specifically, it aims to explain the political motivations that...Show moreThe thesis seeks to explain the strategic motivation behind international terrorism by focusing on the audience of the violence. Specifically, it aims to explain the political motivations that drive terrorist leaders to plan or associate themselves with such attacks. The sociopolitical benefits that a terrorist organization achieves by conducting a well-organized terrorist attack can tremendously advance the organization’s interests, therefore it is important to identify these benefits and motivations.Show less
Unrecognized states seek legitimacy, both domestic and international. The most recent unrecognized state is the Russian backed 'Donetsk People's Republic' (DNR) in South-Eastern Ukraine. The DNR...Show moreUnrecognized states seek legitimacy, both domestic and international. The most recent unrecognized state is the Russian backed 'Donetsk People's Republic' (DNR) in South-Eastern Ukraine. The DNR presents itself with their 'state' media, published on-line in Russian and English. This thesis analyzes the media with the help of Analyzing the articles published, it becomes clear the legitimation strategies of the DNR focus on highlighting the differences between the DNR, which is portrayed as the victim, and Ukraine, which is portrayed as the agressor. The strategy is based more on discrediting Ukraine than promoting the DNR. Such a strategy may be relatively successful, given that local attitudes are relatively anti-Ukrainian due regular shelling and the predominance of Russian news media in the region. The English language articles follow the same line. However, these articles do not reach a wide audience and the effect on international legitimacy is negligible.Show less
In February 2014, the Euromaidan Revolution culminated in the fall of the Yakukovych government in Ukraine. The Russian Federation responded with the illegal annexation of the Crimean Peninsula and...Show moreIn February 2014, the Euromaidan Revolution culminated in the fall of the Yakukovych government in Ukraine. The Russian Federation responded with the illegal annexation of the Crimean Peninsula and the backing of the pro-Russian unrest in the eastern regions of Ukraine. This escalated into an armed conflict which remains hostile to this day. This thesis aims to investigate the Russian hybrid warfare conducted against the state of Ukraine. Hybrid warfare is a controversial theory developed to explain the post-Cold War conflicts. Such conflicts often have blurred lines between conventional and unconventional methods and modes of warfare where a simultaneous usage of these intend to reach political objectives. The hybrid warfare assessment framework will be applied to the case study of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict.Show less
Burgeoning Africa-China relations have sparked considerable debate over the past two decades. Many Western academics, politicians, and journalists now see growing Africa-China relations as a form...Show moreBurgeoning Africa-China relations have sparked considerable debate over the past two decades. Many Western academics, politicians, and journalists now see growing Africa-China relations as a form of Chinese neo-colonialism in Africa that is challenging Western efforts to help the continent develop. It is in this atmosphere of competition that the perspectives of Africans themselves have often been overlooked. This research paper attempts to shed light on these perspectives by analysing how elite political discourse in South Africa, Zambia and Angola perceives growing Africa-China relations, and how this discourse differs from common themes found in Western discourse. The paper combines a macro critical political discourse analysis of elite political discourse with a qualitative comparative analysis of these three case studies, within the timeframe January 2018 – January 2020. The research paper reveals that African political discourse often differs from, and indeed challenges, common themes found in Western discourse. In doing so, this research also contests the ‘universality’ of Western perceptions of both Africa and Africa-China relations. And finally, this research problematises the portrayal of non-Western actors in mainstream IR and highlights the need to listen to these voices from the periphery.Show less
My main research question states that because of a set of economic and political conditions, the CFA Franc zone negatively affects the economic growth and sovereignty of Francophone Africa. In this...Show moreMy main research question states that because of a set of economic and political conditions, the CFA Franc zone negatively affects the economic growth and sovereignty of Francophone Africa. In this study, I investigate the mechanisms that cause the latter in order to identify the relation between CFA membership and the lack of economic sovereignty and development. The insufficient development of CFA countries, the financial restrictions linked to the monetary system, and the rise of African resentment towards CFAF will be the premise to reply to the research question and show how the disadvantages of the CFAF prevail over the benefits. This paper argues that CFA membership may not be as favourable for Francophone Africa as it was declared.Show less
John M. Owen argues that liberal ideas prod liberal states into war with illiberal states but does not explain or explore why this is the case. This thesis argues that this ‘why-question’ has thus...Show moreJohn M. Owen argues that liberal ideas prod liberal states into war with illiberal states but does not explain or explore why this is the case. This thesis argues that this ‘why-question’ has thus far remained unanswered altogether and as such takes the first step in bridging this academic gap. The research has been conducted using two main methods: an interview with Owen about his theory and a case study analysis of the 1956 Suez Crisis. The research found that historical analogies and, to a lesser extent, a belief in the moral righteousness of liberalism can cause liberal elites within liberal states to behave more violently towards their perceived illiberal counterparts, thus creating the circumstances for war to break out.Show less
The advent of Shinzō Abe and Xi Jinping in 2012 as respective leaders of Japan and China amidst a deterioration of Sino-Japanese relations over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands launched a supposed new...Show moreThe advent of Shinzō Abe and Xi Jinping in 2012 as respective leaders of Japan and China amidst a deterioration of Sino-Japanese relations over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands launched a supposed new era in foreign policy that is typically characterised by ‘rivalry’ in much of the literature, thereby reinforcing the China Threat paradigm. Some examine Sino-Japanese relations through a material lens and focus on military strength or economic preponderance, whereas relational Constructivists centre on a Japanese ‘Self’ 'identity' in relation to 'Others'. However, these studies take subjects, discursive practices and meanings that are constitutive of foreign policy as a given and uncritically accepts these as true. This is problematic, because rather than questioning the status-quo, their ontological arguments reinforce it. A poststructural analysis on foreign policy discourse within ethical, temporal and spatial dimensions with due consideration for the margins of the political debate brings in an epistemological perspective. This reveals inherent inconsistencies and contradictions that argue against the assumed ‘rivalry’, and continuous production and reproduction of the China Threat paradigm in relational Constructivist literature. This allows for an understanding of foreign policy as a transformative praxis capable of changing the way Sino-Japanese relations are registered, both in theory and in practice.Show less
Abstract For the majority of its history, the Just War Tradition (JWT) has attempted to limit the occurrence of violence in the violent world it found itself. Today, out of noble causes, the same...Show moreAbstract For the majority of its history, the Just War Tradition (JWT) has attempted to limit the occurrence of violence in the violent world it found itself. Today, out of noble causes, the same tradition is becoming more interventionist by incentivizing the market for force in which Private Military and Security Companies have carved out a role for themselves. In this thesis the origin of the normalization of private violence in JWT will be accounted for and how it allows for more violence, rather than limiting it. These so-called PMSCs will be analyzed in two ways. The theological origin of arguments permitting their usage will be accounted for before analyzing the risks that comes with this. The latter part will be the main focus and is done by following the principles laid out by Aquino: 1) legitimate authority, 2) just cause, and 3) right intention. By looking at the state of the art of PMSC ethics, the debates in contemporary JWT will be accused of being disagreements in details, and not concerned with the theological foundations of their convictions. Namely, by accounting for the privatized turn JWT took, I will show how a cosmopolitan politics is causing this relaxing of norms and is at risk of being permissible to increases of violence. This originated in Pelagian theology who argued for the possibility of human perfection through social and moral progress. Kantian liberalism, the modern equivalent of this belief, has prioritized just cause over other principles and moves the JWT away from one of its core functions; namely, limiting the destructiveness of war. The other core function is to limit injustices, which has devolved into the attempt to eradicate all injustices and overturns ethical positions on private violence.Show less
One of the main impediments to the Syrian conflict, has been the absence of sufficient food aid to the local population. For the past nine years, the Syrian government has systematically blocked...Show moreOne of the main impediments to the Syrian conflict, has been the absence of sufficient food aid to the local population. For the past nine years, the Syrian government has systematically blocked humanitarian aid from entering its territory, based on the principle of sovereignty. Theoretically, international aid organizations have impartial access to deliver humanitarian aid when necessary, based on the fundamental humanitarian principles. Paradoxically, these fundamental principles have limited aid organizations to execute their work and compromises needed to be made with the Assad government in order to obtain access. Ever since the beginning of the conflict, humanitarian aid has been unequally distributed via government channels between government- and opposition controlled areas in Syria. It has become a strategy of warfare for the Assad regime, perpetuating violence and advancing legitimization and support for the nation’s regime. Simultaneously, international aid organizations created cross-border operations in order to circumvent this demonstration of the politicization of humanitarianism. This thesis extensively addresses this phenomenon and its consequences, by examining the central research question: To what extent has the politicization of humanitarianism impeded neutral emergency food aid delivery by international aid organizations in the Syrian conflict between 2011 and 2019?Show less
Regional acts of terrorism remain a significant problem for the countries of West Africa. This thesis seeks to explain the reasons for rebel movements to resort to such sub-national terrorism. By...Show moreRegional acts of terrorism remain a significant problem for the countries of West Africa. This thesis seeks to explain the reasons for rebel movements to resort to such sub-national terrorism. By basing its theoretical framework on the academic literature explaining violence against civilians, this thesis explores the phenomenon of sub-national terrorism. The rebel movements of Boko Haram, the Movement of Democratic Forces in the Casamance (MFDC) and the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) are discussed. By giving meaning to the use of violence against civilians across West Africa, this work aims to discover what exactly leads rebel organizations towards employing methods of sub-national terrorism.Show less
Rising numbers of religious extremism are an increasing concern in Western Europe. As Western Europe is secular, and secular ideology seeks to diminish the influence of religion on society, this...Show moreRising numbers of religious extremism are an increasing concern in Western Europe. As Western Europe is secular, and secular ideology seeks to diminish the influence of religion on society, this rise is peculiar. It raises the question why religious extremism is on the rise in Western Europe despite its secular environment. Evidence suggests there is a causal link between religious extremism and secularism. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to investigate such a causal relation between secularism and religious extremism in Western Europe. To rule out other explanations, this study identified two rival explanations: A cultural disconnect and geopolitical factors. The validity of all three explanations was tested through a case study analysis of France, the Netherlands and Belgium. The results concluded that the cultural disconnect and the geopolitical explanation are not correct. However, the study concluded that certain forms of secularism lead to a rise of religious extremism in Western Europe. The cases demonstrate the mechanism behind this: States enforce disproportionately strict secular policies through a strict separation between the public sphere and the private sphere, and a positive bias towards the pre-existing dominant religion. These two factors trigger reactive religiosity, leading to religious extremism. Conclusively, disproportionate secularism plays a pivotal role in the rise of religious extremism in Western Europe.Show less
