Since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, Northern Ireland has been transitioning into a peaceful society. To reinvent its reputation and cater to modern needs, its tourist industry has...Show moreSince the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, Northern Ireland has been transitioning into a peaceful society. To reinvent its reputation and cater to modern needs, its tourist industry has looked towards Northern Irish cultural elements which will signify a new, safe Northern Ireland. Despite its efforts to shed its violent past, many travel to the Northern Irish capital of Belfast to learn more about The Troubles. This has created a booming mural tour tradition, in which visitors travel through the city in search of the many murals that tell the stories of the communities involved in the conflict. Northern Irish muralism has since its first use functioned to advocate for political objectives, but has since become the primary tool in advocating the political aims of the dominant ideologies: Nationalism and Unionism. The murals now hold the power to convince viewers of their ideology to create public support out of which political change can be demanded. They are thus potent political instruments, and according by whom or how they are used have significant implications for the future of Northern IrelandShow less
Since 2009, northeastern states in Nigeria have been heavily plagued by the insurgency group Boko Haram. Additionally, an upsurge in recruitment and radicalization among Nigerian youth can be...Show moreSince 2009, northeastern states in Nigeria have been heavily plagued by the insurgency group Boko Haram. Additionally, an upsurge in recruitment and radicalization among Nigerian youth can be observed. Subsequently, fear and distrust in youth among communities arise, where young Nigerians are perceived as inherently dangerous, feared to be involved with Boko Haram. The emergence this stereotype has profound implications for the position of youth in society and prompts questions regarding the factors that contribute to the perpetuation of this stereotype. Therefore, this research aims to explore how youth in northeast Nigeria are portrayed through public and policy discourse, especially in regards to Boko Haram. Employing Critical Discourse Analysis as the methodological framework, this research critically scrutinizesif the Nigerian media, politicians and policymakers depict youth as a threat to society. Findings of the discourse analysis reveal a prevailing negative rhetoric surrounding youth in northeast Nigeria. They are presented as a demographic who are often unemployed and excluded from society. Additionally, young Nigerians are consistently associated with recruitment, radicalization, crimes and involvement in violent extremist groups such as Boko Haram. All these components appear interconnected, revealing a vicious cycle of stigmatization and violence. Drawing upon securitization theory, this research concludes that media, policymakers and politicians wield their influence to portray youth as a threatening actor to society, contributing to the perpetuation of a detrimental narrative that further fuels stigmatization and marginalization of youth in northeast Nigeria.Show less
Very little has been written on the literature between small and middle power states. The assumption in academic IR literature is that the size of small states automatically makes them vulnerable...Show moreVery little has been written on the literature between small and middle power states. The assumption in academic IR literature is that the size of small states automatically makes them vulnerable and weak, without any power to shape decisions of middle power states. This thesis examines the relationship between small states, the Pacific Islands, and regional middle power Australia. In order to answer the question “How do the Pacific Island States, as small states, attempt to exert influence on climate change decisions over middle power state Australia in the international environment?” this study employs a qualitative research design of small and middle power states. By showing collective leadership through the United Nations, the PIS are able to influence debates and agenda-setting of middle power states on the norm climate change at the international level. However, the influence of small states on Australia’s climate policies is limited and depends on the receptiveness of the Australian government. Yet, the current geopolitical competition between Australia and China occasionally offers the PIS opportunities to pressure the Australian government.Show less
This thesis analyses how, if at all, the Israeli claim to Jerusalem has evolved since 1948. To answer this question, it compares discourse in The Early Years (1948-1967) and The Post Six-Day War...Show moreThis thesis analyses how, if at all, the Israeli claim to Jerusalem has evolved since 1948. To answer this question, it compares discourse in The Early Years (1948-1967) and The Post Six-Day War Era (1967-2018) periods within three key areas – political, cultural and legal developments. The results show a surface-level evolution of the claim in certain aspects such as the growth of messianism and fundamental legal changes. However, amidst this superficial evolution, a profound substantive consistency prevails across both periods in political and cultural discourse, where the essence remains unchanged, particularly evidenced in the enduring national consensus on the issue and conceptualisation of Jerusalem in the national identity. The implications of this reinforce the notion of a united Jerusalem as a symbolic bedrock of Israel’s existence, historical legitimacy and foundational narrative.Show less
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a long-running conflict between the Jewish Israelis and the Arab Palestinians, two peoples which claim one and the same territory. Levels of violence in the...Show moreThe Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a long-running conflict between the Jewish Israelis and the Arab Palestinians, two peoples which claim one and the same territory. Levels of violence in the conflict have not been stable, but have witnessed ups and downs over time. Often in this conflict, upsurges in violence have affected civilians. This research looks at violence committed by the Israeli government towards Palestinian civilians, and specifically at what factors contribute to the upsurges in Israeli violence. Academic research has delivered multiple insights regarding plausible explanations. Some scholars attribute the upsurges in violence to variations in the ideological convictions of the Israeli government in power (Jensehaugen et al., 2012; Mitchell, 2015), whereas other scholars have suggested that the electoral considerations of the Israeli government in power explain the upsurges in violence (Yakter & Tessler, 2022; Arian, 1995; Shamir & Rahat, 2022; Shamir & Shiqāqī, 2010). Yet other academics have sought to explain the upsurges in violence by investigating varying degrees of support from the government of the United States (Freedman, 2012; Druks, 2001; Alteras, 1993; Heller, 2016). Although these studies have investigated how these factors have contributed to upsurges in violence, none of these studies have addressed the question which theory has been most responsible for the upsurges in violence. This research attempts to fill this knowledge gap by using comparative methods and statistical evidence regarding the 1948 War, the First and the Second Intifada, which are three periods of excessive violence by Israel against Palestinian civilians.Show less
The advent of Shinzō Abe and Xi Jinping in 2012 as respective leaders of Japan and China amidst a deterioration of Sino-Japanese relations over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands launched a supposed new...Show moreThe advent of Shinzō Abe and Xi Jinping in 2012 as respective leaders of Japan and China amidst a deterioration of Sino-Japanese relations over the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands launched a supposed new era in foreign policy that is typically characterised by ‘rivalry’ in much of the literature, thereby reinforcing the China Threat paradigm. Some examine Sino-Japanese relations through a material lens and focus on military strength or economic preponderance, whereas relational Constructivists centre on a Japanese ‘Self’ 'identity' in relation to 'Others'. However, these studies take subjects, discursive practices and meanings that are constitutive of foreign policy as a given and uncritically accepts these as true. This is problematic, because rather than questioning the status-quo, their ontological arguments reinforce it. A poststructural analysis on foreign policy discourse within ethical, temporal and spatial dimensions with due consideration for the margins of the political debate brings in an epistemological perspective. This reveals inherent inconsistencies and contradictions that argue against the assumed ‘rivalry’, and continuous production and reproduction of the China Threat paradigm in relational Constructivist literature. This allows for an understanding of foreign policy as a transformative praxis capable of changing the way Sino-Japanese relations are registered, both in theory and in practice.Show less
The current war in Ukraine and the coinciding tectonic shifts in geopolitics have made discussions about the role of the US as the security provider of the European continent and the increased role...Show moreThe current war in Ukraine and the coinciding tectonic shifts in geopolitics have made discussions about the role of the US as the security provider of the European continent and the increased role of the EU as a security actor within the European security architecture more relevant than ever. It is therefore crucial to understand the US White House perspectives on the development of the EU as a more autonomous security actor. That is why this thesis analyses the research question ‘Has the US perspective on the development of the EU as a more autonomous security actor changed under the administrations of Trump and Biden and if so how?’ by using a critical discourse analysis. The findings underpin that this perspective has changed from a skeptical and critical perspective under the Trump administration to a supportive and stimulating perspective under the Biden administration. This change is meaningful as it has contributed to a context whereby EU defence policies can be realized more easily, while also leading to actual steps of enhanced cooperative US-EU security measures contributing to the further development of the EU as a more autonomous security actor. This change can be explained by two core reasons. First, perceptions will differ when two administrations look at the same international strategic context, which is shifting towards a multipolar world order, through different lenses. Second, in certain circumstances these lenses must bow to the hard reality of the international strategic context if it is sufficiently undeniable. This led to a situation whereby the start of the full-scale war in Ukraine made the Biden administration realize that it needs the EU as a partner in order to defend the US led world order and hegemonial position with multiple geopolitical threats now coming its way, the most important one still coming from China.Show less
This thesis problematises the finding that resource-rich rebels do not govern civilians because of their short-term perspectives and fixation on looting which results in predatory behaviour....Show moreThis thesis problematises the finding that resource-rich rebels do not govern civilians because of their short-term perspectives and fixation on looting which results in predatory behaviour. Therefore, this thesis investigates under what conditions resource-rich rebels do engage in rebel governance. I argue that the characteristics of natural resources affect the exploitation strategy of rebels, which comprises extraction, kidnapping and theft. Those exploitation strategies and the presence or absence of armed competition over resource-rich territory, determine the extent to which resource-rich rebels govern civilians. Three rebel groups are analysed through a focused structured comparison in combination with process tracing. The analyses have revealed that rebels who enjoy both a complete and partial monopoly on resource-rich territory have the ability to divert their resources to rebel governance. Further findings have revealed that rebel groups who adopt extraction as an exploitation strategy engages in governance. In particular, rebel groups mobilise civilians to extract resources in order to acquire economic rents as well as establish civilian administrations to impose taxes and provide security and welfare services. To obtain profits from natural resources, rebels depend on civilians for physical labour. Therefore, rebels establish contractual relations with the local population which results in rebel governance. Hence, resource-rich rebels perceive civilians as valuable assets who can sustain their rebellion. These findings provide an intriguing theoretical framework which renders the first tools to unravel the conditions under which resource-rich rebels govern.Show less
