The year 2010 marks the beginning of a series of protests and uprisings in North Africa, which sparked a revolution that Western media would soon refer to as “The Arab Spring Uprisings”. The...Show moreThe year 2010 marks the beginning of a series of protests and uprisings in North Africa, which sparked a revolution that Western media would soon refer to as “The Arab Spring Uprisings”. The protests are mostly conducted by the youth of the MENA region who are discontent with the government. This generation realizes that due to unemployment, high inflation, poverty, human rights abuses and corruption they are caught in a vacuum, with no bright future with progress and evolution of their country and blame this on the Arab dictators. Tunisia and Morocco both experienced the Arab Spring differently in terms of violence by the state, but in both countries the protests are effective and big changes are promised. In Tunisia the Ben Ali Presidency is overthrown, while in Morocco King Mohammed VI remains king. Also, in both countries the desired democracy is established and democratic elections take place. However, the circumstances do not really change the civil lives. Unemployment remains a problem, police violence still occurs, the freedom and human rights are still violated and the rule of law does not change the situation in favour of the community. The frustrated youth seeks new ways to clear the void in their lives. In the same time period, the Islamic State is upcoming and recruits these frustrated youngsters. Especially Tunisian youngsters are susceptible for the promises of the Islamic State, as they are promised a future, with money, women and weapons. The official count of Tunisian foreign fighters is 6.000, while Morocco remains at the bottom of the list of foreign fighters, supplying officially 1.200 foreign fighters. The question is why there is such a big difference in number of supplied foreign fighters between these two countries. Trying to find an answer to this question this thesis inquires if the Arab Spring is the underlying cause. Therefore, this thesis’ research question is How have the results of the Arab Spring caused the extreme flow of frustrated Tunisian youth to the Islamic State, while a similar country as Morocco remains at the bottom of the list of Islamic State’s foreign fighters? The frustration-aggression theory of John Dollard and Robert E. Miller and colleagues is applied to explain the incentive of young Tunisians and Moroccans to go the Islamic State. By analysing the contemporary situation in Tunisia and Morocco in terms of unemployment, state repression and the influence of Saudi Arabia, this thesis concludes that the Arab Spring is the driver for the frustration amongst the youth, leading up to expression of aggression, wherefore the Islamic State provides space to utter it. Tunisia’s institutional failure created by the Arab Spring drives Tunisian youngsters frustrated and they are now either planning new uprisings, or are leaving for the Islamic State. The government is still dealing with the collapse of the institutions, therefore is not able to handle the frustrated youth. Morocco is not left in institutional chaos and can now focus on the terrorist threat, with a strong security system. It can brace the country against the Islamic State. According to this thesis, this is what makes the difference between the foreign fighters’ amount of Tunisia and Morocco.Show less
This thesis analyses the 2015 European Refugee crisis through a holistic approach. Through a comparative case study of Italy's operation Mare Nostrum and Frontex led Operation Triton, this thesis...Show moreThis thesis analyses the 2015 European Refugee crisis through a holistic approach. Through a comparative case study of Italy's operation Mare Nostrum and Frontex led Operation Triton, this thesis seeks to highlight the underlying processes involved in taking action in emergencies. This will be done through an interdisciplinary approach, by using Latané and Darley's (1970) socio-psychological model of the Unresponsive Bystander. Through this model, it becomes then possible to analyse why in certain circumstances emergencies are more addresses in humanitarian terms and sometimes more through a securitised approach.Show less
This thesis analyses competing discourses around the 2017 Catalan independence referendum. Taking a quantitative approach, several distinct text-mining techniques are applied to political speech...Show moreThis thesis analyses competing discourses around the 2017 Catalan independence referendum. Taking a quantitative approach, several distinct text-mining techniques are applied to political speech transcripts and newspaper opinion pieces of pro-independence and pro-union elites in order to identify broad lexical patterns in discourse. These results are then interpreted with the guidance of previous literature and within the theoretical framework of discursive institutionalism. The analysis finds that the most salient patterns are a pro-union emphasis on law and the constitution, and a pro-independence focus on the symbolic imagery produced by the referendum, such as polling stations, ballot boxes, and police violence. The results also find differing representations of the relationship between Catalonia and Spain, and to a lesser degree, the role of Europe within the dynamic. Taken together, these findings illuminate broad discursive strategies employed by both sides of the independence debate as they seek to either provoke or prevent institutional change.Show less
The African Union emerged in 2002, and presents itself to the world as Africa’s peace actor. Its expressions contain Pan-African ideals, and the conviction that peace and security are main...Show moreThe African Union emerged in 2002, and presents itself to the world as Africa’s peace actor. Its expressions contain Pan-African ideals, and the conviction that peace and security are main prerequisites for a prosperous future. Most AU-studies regard the question if AU’s peacekeeping efforts in interventions are successful, or investigate how states harm the continental endeavour. They conclude that the PSC lacks structural and incidental capacity and political willingness of states. This approach and outcome fits to the dominant realist approach, assuming that the African Union consists of power-seeking states, looking after their interests. This thesis contributes to this debate by utilizing another, constructivist approach. Role theory advances the understanding of this peace actor. The performance of the AU in peace policy, and the position of member states is investigated in the context of role-conception, role-contestation and role-expectations. In this thesis the AU’s role-conception, and how it develops, is central. The definition of this role was not given yet in the CA, although some ingredients where in there. The contestation by states and AU-institutions shaped the self-conception of the AU, and stimulated the policy of prevention. The expectations of others, in particular international financial partners, have had significant influence on the AU. The UN requires IOs to take responsibility in building peace in their region, and pays for AU-led missions. The political and social contexts cause, by a process of socialization, a dynamic and continuously developing self-conception of the AU. The current self-conception of the AU is being a comprehensive power. It deploys troops in African conflict areas as a military power. However, it performed also as a civil power by promoting and supporting CSOs; and even as normative power, by emphasizing the responsibilities for states to secure their people (policy of indifference).Show less
Since Al Jazeera was established, it has had an impact on Qatar’s diplomatic relations, in particular since the Arab Spring. The tensions between Qatar and the other Gulf countries, however, came...Show moreSince Al Jazeera was established, it has had an impact on Qatar’s diplomatic relations, in particular since the Arab Spring. The tensions between Qatar and the other Gulf countries, however, came to a peak during the 2014 and the 2017 Gulf crises. Remarkable, is the central role of Al Jazeera in in these diplomatic crises, while the network is independent and only partly funded by the Qatari government. Therefore, this thesis researches the impact of Al Jazeera on Qatar’s foreign relations. Through within-case analysis and process tracing this thesis illustrates how Al Jazeera, since its establishment, has evolved into a global news network that is considered highly controversial among the other Gulf states. By combining these results with the theories of the CNN-effect and the Al Jazeera effect, this thesis has been able to identify possible reasons why Al Jazeera has been a subject in these diplomatic crises. Lastly, this thesis also proposes an addition to the theory of multilevel analysis that allows for more accurate research into global news networks.Show less
The ever-growing Chinese economy and military have been viewed with suspicion by Western academics. One of the main questions that rises from China’s increasing power is how and if it will change...Show moreThe ever-growing Chinese economy and military have been viewed with suspicion by Western academics. One of the main questions that rises from China’s increasing power is how and if it will change the world order. When Xi Jinping became president of the People’s Republic in 2013, a new era began. Xi incorporates many historical narratives in his speeches to explain his views on the international system. This paper inquires the fifteen speeches of Xi Jinping, held between 2012 and 2020. The theoretical framework for this research is Zhao Tingyang’s neo-tianxa. The methodology that has been used is the macro critical political discourse analysis. The systematic application on Xi Jinping’s speeches revealed that the Chinese concept of neo-tianxia gives interesting insights in how Xi Jinping sees the world. Furthermore, this thesis goes beyond the East-West thinking that often can be found in the Western IR field.Show less
Current academic literature falsely assumes that an authoritarian regime can solely transition into a democracy, other type of autocracy or a similar autocracy. This paper shows that there can be a...Show moreCurrent academic literature falsely assumes that an authoritarian regime can solely transition into a democracy, other type of autocracy or a similar autocracy. This paper shows that there can be a fourth alternative: state failure. This paper conceptualises state failure in Westphalian terms, namely when there is an absence of internal and external sovereignty and the state apparatus fails to provide essential services. The paper hence focuses on possible explanations of state failure in autocratic regimes. Specifically, the paper focuses on personalism as a predictor for state failure, which must be understood as the degree to which an autocratic leader forms the regime to their personal demands. The argument of this paper, consequently, follows that personalism is detrimental to the state’s institutions, as these institutions are formed to solely function under the regime’s current leader. Additionally, the paper theorised that this effect would be stronger in regimes where regime change was imposed, as these regimes would be especially ill prepared for the sudden change in regime. Through a binomial logistic regression, this paper has found evidence that higher personalism indeed does lead to a higher probability of state failure, but has found no evidence to support the second claim, as the size of the effect of personalism on state failure seems to decrease when only analysing those regimes which experienced imposed regime change.Show less
Both scholars and politicians struggle to understand how the decision was made to go ahead with the annexation and for what reasons. Some scholars argue that Russia decided to annex Crimea because...Show moreBoth scholars and politicians struggle to understand how the decision was made to go ahead with the annexation and for what reasons. Some scholars argue that Russia decided to annex Crimea because of its importance as “the spiritual source” of the Russian nation, others state that Russia’s historical claim to the peninsula was the reason for the annexation (Russia possessed it until 1954 when the Soviet leadership transferred it to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic). Another group claims it was a purely strategic decision since it allowed Russia to increase its military capabilities by taking over most of the Ukrainian Black See Fleet and that this was just the start of president Putin’s great power restoration campaign . Most of the explanations are rooted in either the realist theory that revolves around power maximisation and self-interest or the constructivist theory that focusses on norms and identities. This thesis will build on the realist explanations for the annexation of Crimea, by introducing an analysis through the understudied Type III neoclassical realist theory (NCR), coined by Ripsman, Taliafero and Lobell in their book ‘Neoclassical Realist Theory of International Politics’. The neoclassical realist theory used in this research recognises that a system-only explanation is insufficient and therefore combines systemic variables with unit-level variables in attempting to explain foreign policy choices. This thesis build on the realist explanations for the annexation of Crimea, by introducing an analysis through the understudied Type III neoclassical realist theory (NCR), coined by Ripsman, Taliafero and Lobell in their book ‘Neoclassical Realist Theory of International Politics’. The neoclassical realist theory used in this research recognises that a system-only explanation is insufficient and therefore combines systemic variables with unit-level variables in attempting to explain foreign policy choices. This thesis determined if the four intervening variables neoclassical realism type III identified (e.g. leader images, strategic culture, state-society relations and domestic political institutions) affected the manner in which Russia responded to certain external stimuli (geography, military technology, distribution of power, polarity of the international system, clarity of the international system and the nature of state’s strategic environment) that lead to the annexation of Crimea. This thesis found that a state's strategic environment contributed most significantly to the decision to annex Crimea, because without the political turmoil going on within Ukraine it would have been unlikely that Russia would have succeeded. The research also found that the intervening variables of leader image and strategic culture played a part in the decision making process. Even though the strategic culture helped to gain acceptance among society, it was the leader image that was most influential in shaping the ultimate decision. In the case of Russia and Crimea, it is very clear that president Putin was the actor that made the annexation a reality.Show less
In 2008, the World Bank developed the State and Peacebuilding Fund (SPF) to deal with post-conflict countries. The financial institution has been involved in post-conflict reconstruction since the...Show moreIn 2008, the World Bank developed the State and Peacebuilding Fund (SPF) to deal with post-conflict countries. The financial institution has been involved in post-conflict reconstruction since the late nineties. However, its adoption of the political concepts of state and peacebuilding seems to represent a shift towards a comprehensive position of the World Bank regarding post-conflict situations (World Bank, 1998, p. 4). The emphasis is put on the political aspects of state and peacebuilding as they imply the building of ‘institutional capacity and legitimacy’ and the management of ‘the internal and external stresses that increase vulnerability to conflict’ in ‘fragile and conflict-prone and -affected situations’ (World Bank, 2019a). At the same time, the World Bank has reminded the importance of not interfering in politics and the necessity to stick to its role of economic actor as stated in its Articles of Agreement. The organisation appears torn between a supposedly comprehensive approach concerning state and peacebuilding and its economic mandate. The evolution of the paradoxical discourse of the World Bank on post-conflict reconstruction is therefore considered in this thesis by examining the power-knowledge and the associate regime of truth at stake in the production of its discourse. The method selected is a critical discourse analysis and the SPF is the case-study for this research. This thesis allows to unpack the problematic handling of state and peacebuilding by the World Bank.Show less
Police brutality in the United States has sparked a national outcry, as this year again far too many black people have fallen victim to police shootings. Though activists have been advocating for...Show morePolice brutality in the United States has sparked a national outcry, as this year again far too many black people have fallen victim to police shootings. Though activists have been advocating for change and scholars have examined the current flawed system, they have not studied the black struggle from a contemporary genocide lens. This thesis examines American policing practices in lights of genocide, and it offers a brief history of policing practices and slavery, as well as discusses the various findings of African American Studies scholar. This thesis shows how after decades of slavery there are still genocidal tendencies in the police force, which is analysed through Stanton’s stages of genocide, as well as notions of indirect genocide. The findings indicate that policing practices pass the first six stages of Stanton, classification, symbolisation, discrimination, dehumanisation, organisation and polarisation. Though fortunately, not all stages have been realised, this thesis wishes to elucidate the deeply entrenched racial biases that are causing unbearable living situations for black Americans and to listen to those who have been silenced over the years.Show less
The 'training and equipping trusted local forces’, also known as Security Force Assistance (SFA), became a central component in many global conflict in the modern era all around the world. The...Show moreThe 'training and equipping trusted local forces’, also known as Security Force Assistance (SFA), became a central component in many global conflict in the modern era all around the world. The indirect way of engaging in conflict is, according to policy makers, today’s panacea to ‘achieve a more sustainable victory’ while ‘it won’t require us sending a new generation (...) overseas to fight and die for another decade on foreign soil’. The unfortunate reality is, however, that little is known about the sustainability of this military strategy. Available studies on SFA predominantly assess the effectiveness on the battlefield, but there is surprisingly little academic research – let alone public debate – on its long-term effects and the kind of security it creates. As a first attempt to rectify this relative inattention in the literature, this study investigates the Mosul Offensive to understand how and with what effect the U.S.-led Global Coalition against Daesh tried to govern security outcomes in Iraq through the SFA programs that were central to Operation Inherent Resolve between 2014 and 2018.Show less
At present, the study of disinformation remains relatively confined to personality-oriented and technologically deterministic approaches in the context of white nationalist populism or Trump...Show moreAt present, the study of disinformation remains relatively confined to personality-oriented and technologically deterministic approaches in the context of white nationalist populism or Trump cronyism. Guided by Actor-Network Theory’s translation process, this thesis builds on ethnographically grounded and comparative research on disinformation producers in the Philippines as it looks at the two most recent presidential elections in 2016 and 2022. Drawing from netnographic observations across social media platforms Facebook, Twitter, Youtube and Twitter, as well as published media interviews, I propose that disinformation networks under Rodrigo Duterte and Bongbong Marcos proved deeply complex, hierarchic and exploitative. The empirical material illustrates how different actors came together under one voice, mobilising a network of entities to promote each presidential candidate’s election. By making visible the organisational relations and labour arrangments underpinning political disinformation campaigns, as well as the mechanisms of control exercised over them, the following paper aims to deepen an understanding of these harmful networks in order to prevent their future occurrence.Show less
The thesis seeks to explain the strategic motivation behind international terrorism by focusing on the audience of the violence. Specifically, it aims to explain the political motivations that...Show moreThe thesis seeks to explain the strategic motivation behind international terrorism by focusing on the audience of the violence. Specifically, it aims to explain the political motivations that drive terrorist leaders to plan or associate themselves with such attacks. The sociopolitical benefits that a terrorist organization achieves by conducting a well-organized terrorist attack can tremendously advance the organization’s interests, therefore it is important to identify these benefits and motivations.Show less
Through the case study of the NPFL in Liberia, this thesis explains why some rebel groups are able to transform to a successful political organization after conflict, and others are unable to do so.
For many years, the Banyamulenge, a semi-nomadic community living in South Kivu, aspired to have a demarcated territory that was under their authority. This aspiration was realized in September...Show moreFor many years, the Banyamulenge, a semi-nomadic community living in South Kivu, aspired to have a demarcated territory that was under their authority. This aspiration was realized in September 1999 when the Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD) created the ‘’territory of Minembwe’’ granting the Banyamulenge the opportunity to be autonomous after many years of marginalization and subjugation to the customary chiefs of other ethnic communities. This thesis looks at the ways in which the Banyamulenge’s territorial aspirations arose by exploring the concepts of ‘’belonging’’ and ‘’autochthony’’. Furthermore, by documenting the Banyamulenge’s historical trajectory in the Congo this thesis aims to contextualise the creation of Minembwe and analyse the impact of its creation.Show less
This paper aims to explore how the Sino-Afghan relationship can be defined in terms of benevolence versus exploitation, and how the non-interference policy plays a role in this relationship. The...Show moreThis paper aims to explore how the Sino-Afghan relationship can be defined in terms of benevolence versus exploitation, and how the non-interference policy plays a role in this relationship. The paper does this through a positivist analysis of three dimensions of the Sino-Afghan relationship: security, economic, and political relations. The concluding paragraph of the thesis states that the findings are in line with the idea of developmentalism.Show less
