Do United Nations (UN) Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) impact democratization in post-conflict states? Currently, this question is up for debate and this study builds on new relationships recently...Show moreDo United Nations (UN) Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) impact democratization in post-conflict states? Currently, this question is up for debate and this study builds on new relationships recently discovered in the literature. Blair, Di Salvatore, & Smidt (2023) argue that UN PKO tactics improve the likelihood of democratization. This relationship is tested through the examination of four mission tactics between the United Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ) and the United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic (MINURCA). The cases were selected using a most similar design, indicating the cases are similar in all regards, except for their democratization outcomes; Mozambique democratized, while CAR did not. The analysis revealed that ONUMOZ and MINURCA were very similar in their mission tactics and thus mission tactics cannot be considered the sole explanation for democratization. Rather, the size and budget of the mission, involvement of civilian personnel, and recurrence of violence provided more fruitful avenues for explaining the difference in the democratization outcomes. This research contributes to the literature and yields recommendations for future research on UN PKOs and democratization. Additionally, this research provides insight into how the UN can successfully design and implement PKOs aimed at democratization.Show less
This paper aims to explore the research question: ‘To what extent do economic elites’ preferences affect UK policy in complying with international law of refugee rights?’. In doing so, the...Show moreThis paper aims to explore the research question: ‘To what extent do economic elites’ preferences affect UK policy in complying with international law of refugee rights?’. In doing so, the conceptual framework of neo-feudalism, focusing on economic elites, attempts to build on previous literature providing an alternative explanation for UK policy being non-compliant with international laws on refugee rights. The methodology engages process tracing to investigate the mechanism behind the phenomena. Data found posits that economic elites influence policy in the UK due to the landscape of neo-liberal, market-orientated governance. Furthermore, due to this type of governance, and culture of securitisation, the immigration industry profits immensely from harsher border and asylum regulation. Economic elites thus have motivations in wanting to perpetuate and further policies that are noncompliant with international law to increase profits. Furthermore, data suggests that there are potential political motivations towards a more anti-immigrant stance due to increasingly close ties between economic elites and political parties. Overall, this potentially leads to profound and far-reaching consequences for, global governance, human rights, and democracy. Not only do economic elites wielding disproportionate power in government undermine democracy, but they could also contribute to the erosion of international legal norms, governmental effectiveness, and credibility. The implied possible exacerbation of global inequality and injustice requires further exploration.Show less
The purpose of this study was to explore how the local context of host countries shapes the provision of education to refugees. To achieve this aim, a comparative case study of Syrian refugee...Show moreThe purpose of this study was to explore how the local context of host countries shapes the provision of education to refugees. To achieve this aim, a comparative case study of Syrian refugee education in host countries Lebanon and Jordan was undertaken. Resting on the theoretical argument that context inherently matters for outcomes, it was expected that contextual differences between Jordan and Lebanon will have created differences in education for refugee children. Interviews were conducted with experts that have worked at various organizations in either context, in order to corroborate data from document research published by the governments, NGOs, or international organizations. An analysis of these diverse sources produced five contextual factors – political context, economic context, encampment policy, family practices, and cultural proximity – that provide an answer to this study’s research question and further endorse the notion that context inherently matters, and that ‘good practice’ for refugee education is highly contextual. In light of the contextual differences found, and their unique effects on refugee education, it can be said that Jordan and Lebanon should not be grouped together as hastefully as is done by existing scholarship, but should each be treated in their own right instead.Show less
The norm against genocide is at least as old as the term itself (Lemkin 1944). Yet for all the rhetoric and resolutions, genocide persists, often with impunity, and even without condemnation. This...Show moreThe norm against genocide is at least as old as the term itself (Lemkin 1944). Yet for all the rhetoric and resolutions, genocide persists, often with impunity, and even without condemnation. This study focuses explicitly on why some genocides elicit more international condemnation than others. Specifically, it analyses the reactions of the Organisation for Islamic Cooperation [OIC] to the ongoing genocides of the Rohingya minority in Myanmar and the Uyghur minority in China. While the OIC has unconditionally condemned the former, it has been silent concerning the latter. Exploring this discrepancy, I qualifiedly endorse the realist/rational choice explanation: where the costs of condemnation are high, states and organisations are less inclined to act on the norm against genocide. However, as the case of Turkey and its support for the Uyghurs suggests, this is not a complete explanation. Thus, I contend that the identity-motivation of ethnic solidarity represents a stronger, more robust counterweight to the realist pressures of economics and security, thus increasing the likelihood of condemnation.Show less
As the liberal international order recedes, China has emerged as the principal challenger of global governance institutions that promote human rights. While China used to act as an ostensible norm...Show moreAs the liberal international order recedes, China has emerged as the principal challenger of global governance institutions that promote human rights. While China used to act as an ostensible norm taker in the sphere of human rights, it is increasingly asserting its own authoritarian human rights norms ‘with Chinese characteristics’ on the global stage. Using Chinese ‘tianxia’ theory and realism, this thesis endeavours to uncover how China is working to subvert international human rights governance with a case study of the United Nations Human Rights Council (HRC); the preeminent global forum for safeguarding human rights. A discourse analysis of China’s ‘counter- institutionalisation’ of the HRC, reveals a strategic effort to block criticism, prevent independent monitoring, and change established conceptions about the very meaning of human rights. The robustness of the HRC’s mandate thus appears to be under growing duress. How other states respond to China’s affront may determine the direction of global human rights governance for decades to come.Show less
This research examines the relationship between increased fire risk due to climate change and a state's engagement in the Union Civil Protection Mechanism's (UCPM) fire suppression efforts. Using...Show moreThis research examines the relationship between increased fire risk due to climate change and a state's engagement in the Union Civil Protection Mechanism's (UCPM) fire suppression efforts. Using the UCPM as a case study, it leverages quantitative data on fire risks and UCPM contributions and qualitative policy document analysis to understand this relationship. The study finds a positive link between heightened fire risk and amplified contributions to the UCPM. The outcomes emphasize the role of risk perception in global disaster cooperation and underline the need for efficacious risk communication in shared frameworks such as the UCPM. The study also advocates for exploring other variables like economic capability, geographic proximity and institutional factors. These findings have both theoretical and practical implications, enhancing comprehension of global cooperation dynamics and informing UCPM policy interventions.Show less
This thesis analyses the impact of different levels of favourability of immigrant integration policies on immigrant-receiving economies in OECD countries. Specifically, the effects brought to...Show moreThis thesis analyses the impact of different levels of favourability of immigrant integration policies on immigrant-receiving economies in OECD countries. Specifically, the effects brought to attention are employment, wealth, and public finances. Existing literature predominantly focusses on the impact of migration in general on destination economies and differ in opinion as to whether the relationship is positive or negative. Some literature already deepens the investigation into that relationship by including the aspect of immigrant integration policy, to which this thesis contributes by doing a quantitative data analysis. The impact of integration policies is assessed using three different models. The first model is a one-way multivariate analysis of variance. To the second and third model covariates have been added, which are respectively the number of recognized and rejected asylum applications. The analysis shows that states with higher levels of immigrant integration policy are better at ensuring positive relative native employment than states with lower levels of policy. The relationship between higher levels of integration policy and higher individual wealth is partially confirmed. The relationship between levels of integration policy and public finances needs to be researched further to draw conclusions about this.Show less
This study contends for a social-psychological lens to understand why some feminist movements resort to violence. Literature from feminist peace studies has argued that women are most likely to be...Show moreThis study contends for a social-psychological lens to understand why some feminist movements resort to violence. Literature from feminist peace studies has argued that women are most likely to be peaceful, and scholarship in criminology suggests women are more likely to choose nonviolent coping behaviors. A large body of social movement literature has argued for rationalist approach to understanding the choice to utilize violence vis-a-vis nonviolence as a method of resistance. However, literature within the field of political science has not entirely explored underlying individual-level behaviors to explain why women within a feminist movement utilize violence as a method of resistance. Thus, introducing the research question: Why do some feminist movements resort to violence? Cases of feminist movements increasingly utilizing violence is puzzling because it contradicts arguments made by rationalist studies and feminist peace studies. I apply Robert Agnew’s General Strain Theory and argue that some feminist movements resort to violence because of a highly negative perception of the lack of governmental support to address a grievance in gender inequality, which generates negative emotions of anger and frustration that then leads to the likelihood of utilizing violent methods of resistance. I evaluate the argument using qualitative research in the single-case study of the Ni Una Menos (NUM) Movement in México. This study process traces data from semi-structured online interviews to analyze the causal mechanism of negative emotions through language utilized by activists of NUM to answer the research question.Show less
Mega sporting events (MSEs) like the Olympic Games and FIFA World Cup are seen by many as pathways for promoting human rights. While MSEs seek to promote ideals like peace and equality, there have...Show moreMega sporting events (MSEs) like the Olympic Games and FIFA World Cup are seen by many as pathways for promoting human rights. While MSEs seek to promote ideals like peace and equality, there have been numerous occasions where hosts of these events undermine the same values the MSEs strive to foster. This can be seen with the most recent edition of the FIFA World Cup in Qatar with the host accused of undermining human rights controversies related to migrant labor, women’s rights, and LGBTQ rights in the country. Given the phenomenon of state’s reacting differently to norm contestation, the central research question this project assesses is: How did democratic states respond to human rights norm contestations at the 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar? Building on literature from the schools of human rights, protests, and state responses to norm contestation, this study uses democracy level as an independent variable see its effects on state behavior at the 2022 World Cup. Using a most-similar systems design, a QCA is conducted on Croatia and The Netherlands. This study provides mixed support for realist thought that finds that the closer a state is to being a full democracy, the more likely it is to respond to a norm contesting MSE host.Show less
Despite the scientifically proved inexistence of human races, racism yet exists as a result of the social construction and institutionalization of human races in societies. In the United States,...Show moreDespite the scientifically proved inexistence of human races, racism yet exists as a result of the social construction and institutionalization of human races in societies. In the United States, anti-Asian racism exists and is exceedingly problematic. At the same time, for the past thirty years United States power is relatively declining, and China is a rising power and changing the international world order. The Obama administration and the Trump administration dealt differently with the relative decline of United States power. In this paper, the United States government narrative of China and its effect on national anti-Asian racism in the United States is researched. First, existing literature on government policy tools, racism and narratives is critically analyzed. Thereafter, a narrative analysis is performed on the narratives used by the Obama administration and the Trump administration in a comparative case study. The results demonstrate that during the Trump presidency, the narrative of China was relatively more negative and anti-Asian racism levels were relatively higher. This implies that a more negative narrative of China causes more anti-Asian racism in the United States. Hence, this paper contributes to the academic field of political science by exposing the relation between governmental discursive power and citizen behavior.Show less
The refugee crisis which engulfed Europe in the period between 2015 and 2017 sparked the proliferation of securitising discourse targeting migrants across the European Union. Whist plenty of...Show moreThe refugee crisis which engulfed Europe in the period between 2015 and 2017 sparked the proliferation of securitising discourse targeting migrants across the European Union. Whist plenty of scholarly ink has been dedicated to the study of the securitising rhetoric emanating from political representatives of individual EU member states, little attention has been paid to that of the heads of key EU institutions. To fill this gap, I have chosen to examine the President of the European Council’s securitisation of migrants by conducting a discourse analysis on 120 of his speeches, press remarks and interviews that occurred in the years between 2015 and 2017. Having coded this large body of data, I have been able to establish that Tusk systematically securitised migrants by presenting them as existential threats in relation to the Schengen Agreement, public order and security, as well as European values and subsequently calling for policies to regulate their entry into the EU. Furthermore, the findings suggest that the manner in which asylum-seekers are securitised differs to that of ‘irregular’ migrants, in ways that have not been extensively covered in securitisation literature thus far.Show less
This thesis explores the lobbying strategies used by multinational agribusinesses to shape the global food security regime as part of global capitalism management. My case study focuses on how the...Show moreThis thesis explores the lobbying strategies used by multinational agribusinesses to shape the global food security regime as part of global capitalism management. My case study focuses on how the four largest grain traders in the world lobby the Food and Agriculture Organization to promote market-based policies for global food security. I find substantial evidence for four strategies: multi-stakeholder fora, corporate-FAO partnerships, lobbying national governments, and revolving door practices. The four strategies help agribusinesses be involved in decision-making, increase their market and structural power, and promote the private sector as a legitimate and essential actor in the regime’s governance. The findings fit within a neo-Gramscian framework and can be interpreted as strategies used by the transnational capitalist class to support the transnationalization of social relations of production and the promotion of the neoliberal world order.Show less
