The process of democratization varies greatly between states that attempt it. While some states successfully achieve democratization at an alarmingly fast rate, other states remain stagnated for...Show moreThe process of democratization varies greatly between states that attempt it. While some states successfully achieve democratization at an alarmingly fast rate, other states remain stagnated for years, sometimes even decades, ultimately being labeled as failed democratization attempts. Specifically concerning former Soviet Union (USSR) states, many have attempted democratization, yielding vastly different results. Some states, such as Estonia, have successfully democratized, and are now officially considered to be a democratized state. However, other states, such as Moldova, have been unable to progress further towards democratization, plagued by political, social and economic unrest. When looking at the case of Ukraine, we see a similar situation as Moldova—a stagnated process of democratization, plagued by unrest and conflict. However, in the case of Ukraine, there is still a chance at democratization. How will this become so? Why is it that some former USSR states have achieved democratization, while others have fallen behind and stagnated? This thesis will focus on evaluating the role of third-party mediation and Russian interference in the democratization of Ukraine, specifically considering the Eastern Ukrainian War in Donbas. This research will draw from established factors of successful democratization and apply several theories to analyze the impact Russian interference and failure of third-party mediation efforts during a conflict have on these factors. The research finds that Ukraine’s path towards democratization has been stagnated in part due to the failure of credible third-party mediation to monitor Russian aggression and commitment to ceasefire agreements. The visible effects can be seen during, and after, the War in Donbas. This research builds on existing factors of democratization in order to analyze a new argument of why democratization has failed, using the new factors of credible third-party mediation and Russian intervention again the theoretical framework of multidimensional prevention and the commitment problem.Show less
Taiwan’s international status appears to be one of the most likely scenarios over which war between the U.S. and China could break out. It is, therefore, important to explore why China has defined...Show moreTaiwan’s international status appears to be one of the most likely scenarios over which war between the U.S. and China could break out. It is, therefore, important to explore why China has defined Taiwanese independence or even perpetual maintenance of the status quo as a ‘red line’ and, thus, integration of Taiwan into China as a prime objective. This thesis ap proaches that question by employing a Neoclassical Realist-Constructivist hybrid as a theoret ical framework and identifying dual legitimacy of authoritarian regimes as the imperative that informs foreign policy decision-making of ‘Calculative Revisionist’ great powers. This makes the Taiwan issue both a case study and an important scenario. Furthermore, the thesis com bines the exploration of factors of dual legitimacy with a probability/risk-assessment of poten tial options for implementing China’s objective of Taiwanese integration or, at least, preven tion of formal independence.Show less
In this thesis, the motivations behind the adoption of the Law of the Rights of Mother Earth in Bolivia will be explored. Three different explanations will be researched, namely that the law was...Show moreIn this thesis, the motivations behind the adoption of the Law of the Rights of Mother Earth in Bolivia will be explored. Three different explanations will be researched, namely that the law was adopted because of social movement activism, or to gain more control over the country’s natural resources, or, alternatively, in order to increase Bolivia’s international reputation. This thesis argues that all three explanations contributed to the adoption of the law.Show less
Climate change is a long-term global concern that must be tackled via international cooperation. Most countries are aware of the need to address climate change as the severity of the problem grows....Show moreClimate change is a long-term global concern that must be tackled via international cooperation. Most countries are aware of the need to address climate change as the severity of the problem grows. China is a key participant in the global climate governance system as the world's largest developing country and greenhouse gas emitter. This thesis examines China's historical participation in global climate regulation from the standpoint of a national role, as well as the variables that cause changes in China’s role.Show less
Environmental sustainability has become increasingly important in global politics and the promotion of renewable energy has received growing attention. Through its Southern European Neighborhood...Show moreEnvironmental sustainability has become increasingly important in global politics and the promotion of renewable energy has received growing attention. Through its Southern European Neighborhood Policy, the European Union invests in renewable energy in the MENA region, which has long lagged behind global renewable energy production while having major renewable energy potential. Though the EU stresses partner state development and climate goals as drivers for the ENP policy, existing literature has critically assessed the intentions of the ENP as a whole, suggesting that more Eurocentric motives drive this policy. Another set of literature surrounds the geopolitics of renewable energy and the consequences based on them. Various geopolitical incentives have been attributed to renewable energy promotion. However, there has been little formal theorization concerning the motives behind the renewable energy policy of the European Southern Neighborhood Policy. This thesis seeks to assess the intentions of EU policy for renewable energy in its MENA partner region.Show less
Despite the attention given by researchers to post-war rebel-to-party transitions and their determinants, the relationship between the presence political wings and the transition of rebel groups...Show moreDespite the attention given by researchers to post-war rebel-to-party transitions and their determinants, the relationship between the presence political wings and the transition of rebel groups into political parties remains understudied. In order to fill this gap, this research proposal proposes a large-N statistical analysis of the rebel groups having successfully transitioned into a political party, for all civil wars having ended between 1975 and 2015. It is expected that the presence of political wings will increase the likelihood of rebel-to-party transitions because of two reasons. First, political wings allow rebel groups to expect electoral success, because they provide a legal venue in which supporters can express their support for the rebel group. Second, political wings provide rebel groups with experience and an organizational basis on which to found a political party, thus facilitating the transition of rebel groups to political parties. No evidence is found supporting this hypothesis, which means that political wings are not found to have any effect on rebel-to-party transitions. Still, future research should continue exploring the link between state-building processes and rebel-to-party transitions. While political wings might not play a role, the set up of state-like structures could.Show less
In this thesis, I examine the role of rebel fragmentation on the intensity of sexual violence during armed conflict. The linkage of both concepts has been neglected in the existing literature. In...Show moreIn this thesis, I examine the role of rebel fragmentation on the intensity of sexual violence during armed conflict. The linkage of both concepts has been neglected in the existing literature. In order to overcome this gap, I look at the influence of outbidding. The process of outbidding is the competing effect between two or more rival factions or rebel groups in the same territory and the subsequent surge in extreme violence. Using a single case study, I describe the preexisting levels of sexual violence by the SPLM and the intensity of sexual violence after the split. By doing so, I find evidence that the occurrence of rebel fragmentation is associated with higher intensities of sexual violence. More specifically, my findings conclude that the conflict dynamic of outbidding, and the subsequent reaction with violence by both groups, is a useful explanation for the increase in the levels of sexual violence in South Sudan. The result of this thesis adds to the existing literature on sexual violence and provides an incentive for further research on the matter.Show less
In this thesis, I examine how women’s political socialization before a conflict is connected to the prevalence of sexual violence during conflict. The thesis contributes to the existing literature...Show moreIn this thesis, I examine how women’s political socialization before a conflict is connected to the prevalence of sexual violence during conflict. The thesis contributes to the existing literature with its approach to a better understanding of sexual violence during conflict but also looking at how political socialization could favor certain behavior in conflict. Moreover, it opens a new field that distinguishes between peace and conflict times but acknowledges the importance of socialization before a conflict. The main argument is that the longer women had the chance to participate politically, the more influence they should have had on socialization, and the less sexual violence should happen during conflict. This is based on three mechanisms: women’s value in a society, gender stereotypes and women’s ability to change policies. The hypothesis will be tested in a large-N analysis by using Ordinal Logistic Regression. Two independent variables are being used in order to look at women’s political socialization: the duration of female suffrage and women’s legislative power before the conflict start. The results show that especially the duration of female suffrage can be associated with a lower prevalence of sexual violence during conflict. Against the expectations, it does not make a difference how much legislative power women had in the pre-conflict society. Female suffrage, however, can be seen as an important point in the socialization processes for women and men that has a negative effect on conflict-related sexual violence the longer it has been established.Show less
Environmental scarcity scholars believe that the scarcity of renewable resources an important contributor to violence and conflict in states belonging to the global south. Water scarcity is...Show moreEnvironmental scarcity scholars believe that the scarcity of renewable resources an important contributor to violence and conflict in states belonging to the global south. Water scarcity is becoming increasingly problematic, especially in less developed states. Existing literature has mostly focused on the macro-level and has overlooked the individual's experience of water scarcity. Existing literature mostly focuses on armed conflict and fails to address the impact water scarcity on different types of political behavior. Investigating the individual level can be more concise in explaining the likelihood of political participation. Using the theoretical concept of relative deprivation and quantitative analysis, the relation between water scarcity and individual violent political behavior is investigated in the African continent using disaggregated data from the Afrobarometer. The impact of relative water scarcity is measured to determine whether water scarcity contributes to the propensity of an individual to use violence instead of other means of political participation. No evidence is found that relative water scarcity impacts voting behavior. Both the propensity of demonstration behavior and the propensity of using violence are negatively impacted by relative water scarcity. Therefore, no evidence is found that water scarcity increases the propensity of individuals using violence instead of other political means.Show less
In this thesis, I explore the relationship between ethnic violence and neighbourhood ethnic composition during times of ethnic civil conflict. Much of the existing literature utilises either the...Show moreIn this thesis, I explore the relationship between ethnic violence and neighbourhood ethnic composition during times of ethnic civil conflict. Much of the existing literature utilises either the ethnic competition theory or the ethnic segregation theory to explain ethnic conflict. These theories offer conflicting results; I attempt to address this by using a relatively novel unit of analysis: the neighbourhood and applying it nationwide rather than limiting it to specific cities or urban areas. My argument is based on Allport’s (1954) intergroup contact theory. I connect a fall in prejudice on an individual level to a fall in prejudice on the group level. I argue that intergroup contact is more likely to occur in ethnically mixed neighbourhoods and subsequently link falling prejudice to falling rates of violence. I therefore hypothesise that ethnic violence will be lower in mixed than in segregated neighbourhoods during ethnic conflict. I select Northern Ireland as a case study for my research because it is highly polarised, it has a widely dispersed population of its two principal ethnic groups, it is a likely candidate for the ethnic competition theory, and because it has an abundance of data. I then test my hypothesis, firstly by means of a two-sample Z test for proportions, and subsequently by using a logistic regression model. Contrary to my theoretical expectation, I find no significant relationship between the ethnic composition of a neighbourhood and levels of ethnic violence.Show less
This paper answers the question “Why is the concept of Beyond GDP mostly implemented on the local level, and not on the national level?”. Global Domestic Product (GDP) has seen a lot of critique on...Show moreThis paper answers the question “Why is the concept of Beyond GDP mostly implemented on the local level, and not on the national level?”. Global Domestic Product (GDP) has seen a lot of critique on how it is measured, and in the recent years the concept of Beyond GDP has become more prominent. In short, Beyond GDP looks not only at economic development, but also at other indicators such as education and health. However, Beyond GDP has been mostly implemented on the local level, and not on the national level. This paper argues that the idea versus interest debate also applies for this topic. The paper proposes that ideas of policy makers do matter, and that the interest of powerful actors also play a role in this debate. The results of this paper find that ideas of policy makers do indeed matter and are important in the debate to move from GDP to Beyond GDP, both on the national and local level. On the other hand, interest play a mixed role, being somewhat important on the national level, but not important for the local level.Show less
Continuous human expansion on a planet with finite resources has intensified a variety of polluting practices and resulted in major resource inequality across the globe. Though the idea that...Show moreContinuous human expansion on a planet with finite resources has intensified a variety of polluting practices and resulted in major resource inequality across the globe. Though the idea that population control is an appropriate solution to the issue of overpopulation has seemingly disappeared from the sphere of politics since the mid 90’s, this thesis considers the resurgence of discussions to adopt a more coercive approach toward population management in India by investigating the extent to which Hindu nationalism influences contemporary demographic policymaking in India. While India’s Hindu nationalist legislators maintain that such a policy is a necessity considering the looming environmental crisis and lack of sufficient resources, there is a considerable disconnect between such claims and the country’s current demographic development. Therefore, this thesis aims to unveil governmental motivations behind the push for a two-child policy by examining policymakers’ attitudes and their framing of population growth as a justification for the novel two-child policy proposal.Show less
The derogation clause of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) allows states to limit the exercise of most human rights in time of war and public emergencies threatening the life of the...Show moreThe derogation clause of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) allows states to limit the exercise of most human rights in time of war and public emergencies threatening the life of the nation. To fight off the exceptional circumstances brought by the COVID-19 global pandemic, governments are extensively restricting human rights. Almost all states have introduced emergency measures, however only ten Member States of the Council of Europe have formally derogated from the ECHR by notifying the Secretary General. This thesis will attempt to explain why some states derogate from their human rights obligations whilst others do not when they take emergency measures. The thesis will move beyond the already existing theory of which states derogate and why they do so by looking at the differences within regime type rather than only looking at regime type. By comparing two very similar countries, Latvia and Lithuania, which only differ on whether they have derogated or not, the dissimilar element that will be found is likely to be the explanatory variable on why some states derogate whilst others do not. The willingness of states to maintain parliamentary democracy in time of crisis, seems to be the explanatory variable for why some states derogate when taking emergency measures whilst others do not derogate when taking emergency measures. In the end, this thesis would like to generate a more thoroughgoing view on why states derogate in time of crisis.Show less
Euroscepticism is a topic that is becoming increasingly more important to study, and yet there is little research that explores its implications outside of the EU context, more specifically in the...Show moreEuroscepticism is a topic that is becoming increasingly more important to study, and yet there is little research that explores its implications outside of the EU context, more specifically in the candidate states. This study aims to understand how Euroscepticism in the EU can create a mimicking effect on the Euroscepticism in the candidate countries. This study uses two case studies, Serbia and Turkey, who have similar onset but are on the opposite ends of the spectrum in terms of how likely they are to join the EU. By using content analysis to decode the government press releases in the years between 2017 and 2021, in-depth observation of how a country seeking membership to the EU can show skepticism about it. This study concludes that the rise of Euroscepticism in the EU increases the frequency and the severity of the Eurosceptic proclamations by the selected cases. The research finds that this link is caused by the candidacy status itself, regardless of their prospect of joining.Show less
Scholars have argued over time whether geographical indicators play an explanatory role in Eurosceptic voter behavior. This paper revisits the investigation of geographical indicators, focusing on...Show moreScholars have argued over time whether geographical indicators play an explanatory role in Eurosceptic voter behavior. This paper revisits the investigation of geographical indicators, focusing on the urban/rural divide in Eurosceptic behavior. Scholars have not fully agreed whether the urban/rural divide could play an explanatory role in Eurosceptic voter behavior, where different scholars either state that such a divide matters, where others say the contrary. Using theoretical narratives from a variety of scholarly literature, this paper reinvestigates the urban rural divide in Euroscepticism. Using the European Values Survey, this study quantitatively assesses the impact of the urban/rural divide in Eurosceptic views among respondents in the candidate countries of the European Union. The candidate countries were chosen for the analysis as it offers a fresh new insight into the discussion, as quantitative research on these countries has not been conducted in the past. Statistical analysis has shown that in the candidate countries, the urban/rural divide does not play a significant explanatory role in Eurosceptic views among respondents. It is thus recommended that other explanations are treated with a higher level of importance in Eurosceptic voting behavior rather than the urban/rural divide.Show less
The paper looks at the process of the fight against corruption in Slovakia and Malta after the accession to the European Union and, in particular, analysing the impact of the murder of...Show moreThe paper looks at the process of the fight against corruption in Slovakia and Malta after the accession to the European Union and, in particular, analysing the impact of the murder of investigative journalists in both countries. It shows that even though membership brings new means of influence, it also failed several times to fully tackle the corruption in both countries. Moreover, to prove the point that the anti-corruption policies were not sufficiently effective before the murder, I will compare these two countries of the European Union with a similar context.Show less
This thesis examines in a comparative fashion the experiences of two post-conflict European polities, the Republic of North Macedonia (hereafter “North Macedonia”, for ease of reference, regardless...Show moreThis thesis examines in a comparative fashion the experiences of two post-conflict European polities, the Republic of North Macedonia (hereafter “North Macedonia”, for ease of reference, regardless of the state’s official name at the historical moment in question) and Northern Ireland. It seeks to answer the puzzle of why the Northern Irish experience has been characterised by institutional instability and periodic collapse, in contrast with the far more stable institutional performance in post-conflict North Macedonia, in spite of their manifold similarities as cases. Through analysis of the electoral performance of extreme parties in both jurisdictions, and process-tracing of certain instances of particular instability and crisis, it tests hypotheses surrounding the distinctive roles of the European Union in both polities and the effect of electoral systems on consociational governing structures. The findings suggest that, contrary to what the literature would lead one to suspect, Northern Ireland’s instability cannot be attributed to any significant degree to its electoral system, and that a more salient point of difference lies in the European Union’s scope for direct action in North Macedonia, whilst calling for further research on the distinction between intra- and inter-communal crises.Show less
The impact of external interventions on the outcome of violent self-determination conflicts represents a relatively under-explored field within the scholarship on secessionism. This thesis seeks to...Show moreThe impact of external interventions on the outcome of violent self-determination conflicts represents a relatively under-explored field within the scholarship on secessionism. This thesis seeks to conceptualise and explore the ways in which peacekeeping operations (PKOs) alter the secessionists’ threat environment and, consequently, their chances of success. In doing so, it will investigate the claim that the deployment of UN PKOs inadvertently facilitates secession by isolating the rebels and preventing their reintegration. A statistical test is run to corroborate this hypothesis. The findings of this thesis indicate that a significant, positive correlation exists between the presence of UN PKOs and the secessionist movements’ expectations of survival. Consequently, the study points to the necessity of distinguishing between and disaggregating different kinds of external interventions in secessionist conflicts.Show less
This thesis examines arguments international actors use to justify resistance to the application of ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) in alleviating humanitarian suffering, contributing to debates...Show moreThis thesis examines arguments international actors use to justify resistance to the application of ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) in alleviating humanitarian suffering, contributing to debates surrounding contention in R2P’s operationalisation. Through utilising Hirschman’s (1991) rhetoric of reaction typology, this thesis offers a new perspective on the actors and ways such strategies of rhetorical intervention are used, focussing on the case of Syria between March 2011 to July 2018. By judging the effectiveness of the perversity, futility and jeopardy theses in categorising arguments through using critical discourse analysis and content analysis, this research supports its hypothesis, identifying three key themes of opposition to R2P in line with Hirschman’s (1991) logic. This research finds that applying R2P was argued to deteriorate the Syrian situation; that it would not help; and would be detrimental to other long-standing international principles. A fourth theme was identified, which justifies resistance through supporting victim’s agency, subsequently offering an update to Hirschman’s (1991) model. This research strengthens the utility of Hirschman’s (1991) typology, offering a new way to understand arguments resisting R2P’s application and highlighting avenues to address R2P’s rhetorical opposition.Show less
As reaction to the corona crisis, EU Member states agreed in July 2020 to imple-ment a corona recovery fund, the Next Generation EU (NGEU) fund. Under its framework, the EU Commission started to...Show moreAs reaction to the corona crisis, EU Member states agreed in July 2020 to imple-ment a corona recovery fund, the Next Generation EU (NGEU) fund. Under its framework, the EU Commission started to take on joint debt on the financial markets and is transferring this money partly in form of grants to member states. Earlier attempts of debt-mutualization had failed due to the resistance of Northern member states. This thesis aims to answer the fol-lowing research question: Given the long-standing record of opposition to debt-sharing, why did government leaders of EU member states agree to adopt the NGEU fund? The objective was to provide an explanation why it was agreed on debt-sharing in the NGEU fund. This the-sis argues that the corona crisis can be considered a critical juncture that activated latent spill-over effects. Explaining-outcome process-tracing methods were applied in a within-case, sin-gle outcome case study. The case of Germany was analysed representing the Northern EU member states, Italy the Southern ones. Furthermore, it was aimed at contributing to deepen the understanding of the drivers of fiscal integration in Europe by providing new insights into the application of combined European integration theories.Show less
