Since the establishment of the UN, 80 former colonies have gained independence. However, in recent years, there have been a lot of different views on the current role of the UN in the...Show moreSince the establishment of the UN, 80 former colonies have gained independence. However, in recent years, there have been a lot of different views on the current role of the UN in the decolonization process. The criticism mainly addresses the Special Committee on Decolonization, but there is also criticism on the working of the UN in general. There are three types of criticism. The first is the fact that the decolonization process is out-dated, because the Special Committee has to stick to a mandate created in 1960, when there was still a lot of colonialism. The notion is that the colonies that are left can not be treated the same. The second is the fact that the there is a one-size-fits all approach to decolonization. This means that there are only three options in which the remaining non self-governing territories can be removed from the list. The third criticism on the decolonization process at the UN holds that Western interests are still seen as the most important and the non self-governing territories are decolonized according to a Western model. This criticism comes mainly from scholars, but also from member states and UN officials. Because of the fact that the criticism is so widespread and comes also from member states, the UN should do something with it. The criticism has risen in recent years because of the stagnation of the decolonization process. The stagnation occurred although there were special Decades for the Eradication of Colonialism, and these were thus seen as failed. This research examines to what extent the UN, and the Special Committee on Decolonization in particular, has handled the criticism on role of the UN in the decolonization process in the past ten years. It links the criticism with one of the remaining non selfgoverning territories. The case study is Tokelau, which is a small island territory of which New Zealand is the administering country. Tokelau is a non self-governing territory that did not face any internal problems. It is therefore very useful for this research, because then the main focus can on the working of the UN.Show less
There is a strong tendency in mainstream literature to discuss cross-strait relations in terms of security threats or growing economic interdependence. On the other hand, cultural exchanges have...Show moreThere is a strong tendency in mainstream literature to discuss cross-strait relations in terms of security threats or growing economic interdependence. On the other hand, cultural exchanges have received considerably less attention. Nonetheless, scholars that do elaborate on culture conceptualise culture as a fixed set of norms and values that fosters mutual understanding. Similarly, cultural exchanges between the National Palace Museum (NPM) in Taipei and the Palace Museum (PM) in Beijing are lauded as signs of warming cross-strait ties. Michelle Jana Chan (2010) remarked that the museum directors have risen above politics to organise their first joint exhibition in 2009. Yet, this thesis argues that politics is firmly rooted in cultural exchanges across the Strait. Taiwanese and Chinese governments have purposefully (re)constructed culture to determine what “true” culture entails, what goal it serves and what it says about the relationship between people on both sides of the Strait. From a poststructuralist outlook, multiple truths need to be elucidated as “the truth” does not exist. Presidential statements and documentaries about the NPM are analysed from a spatial perspective to explain how culture and the NPM are constructed through the ‘One China’ discourses and the ‘Taiwan-centric’ discourse, struggling to define communities, boundaries and realities rooted in the broader background of the collaborations between the NPM and the PM. This study contends that competing and changing meanings and purposes of culture embedded in these cultural exchanges are the result of power struggles and should be acknowledged as sources of conflict in cross-strait relations.Show less
After having relied almost exclusively on its soft power in order to gain more global influence and importance, Brazil decided to develop another tool in its foreign policies that is nowadays...Show moreAfter having relied almost exclusively on its soft power in order to gain more global influence and importance, Brazil decided to develop another tool in its foreign policies that is nowadays equally necessary: hard power. For the past decade, Brazil has faced two relatively new challenges: the securitization of the Blue Amazon and the preservation of its natural resources as well as the reinforcement of the South Atlantic region as one of its platform to exert its leadership. Brazil quickly realized that it needed to further increase its expertise in defense armament and to develop advanced technology in order to protect its sovereignty as well as to concretize its position in the South Atlantic. To fulfill this goal, President Lula has signed a few strategic partnerships with several countries, but the one with France is considered as the most crucial one. The partnership established between President Lula and President Sarkozy not only guarantees the cooperation between both countries in the construction of Brazilian submarines but also the transfer of technology and French savoir-faire. This partnership will allow Brazil to acquire more hard power and consequentially become a more significant global player. France, on the other hand, will see its defense industry expand and its global image as a reliable partner grow.Show less
European states have increasingly come to make use of surveillance technologies to control people’s mobility at –and beyond- the external EU borders. The use of surveillance technologies and...Show moreEuropean states have increasingly come to make use of surveillance technologies to control people’s mobility at –and beyond- the external EU borders. The use of surveillance technologies and techniques at state borders, however, does not stop at the geographical borderlines of a territory: the state’s focus has shifted from an emphasis on border control to a more general focus on the control or management of people’s mobility. Not all people, however, are faced with the same level of surveillance. All those regarded as (potential) deviants and/or as ‘not-belonging’, are being treated as an ‘Other’; and consequently, are subjected to intensified surveillance (Walby 2005: 184). In this thesis, I have investigated if and how these various intensity-levels of state surveillance affect people’s right to freedom of movement. In doing so, I have tried to find (an) answer(s) to the following question: How does the use of surveillance technologies at the border, as conducted by the EU, influence people’s degree of mobility?Show less
With the abundance of data and more sophisticated analytical capabilities, big data is receiving increasing attention in international relations research. This thesis intends to explore the...Show moreWith the abundance of data and more sophisticated analytical capabilities, big data is receiving increasing attention in international relations research. This thesis intends to explore the relevance of real-time big data analysis in violent conflict prediction and prevention by examining the state of the art of big-data based social science research, assessing the value of open data and elaborating on the question of access and the interests of stakeholders in data-sharing across sectors. Finally, three data sharing models will be visualised and the privacy vs. security dichotomy will be addressed.Show less
There are enough signs in the academic literature to reveal one of the main causes of sustained poverty in Africa: poor governance. The African Peer Review Mechanism means to improve African...Show moreThere are enough signs in the academic literature to reveal one of the main causes of sustained poverty in Africa: poor governance. The African Peer Review Mechanism means to improve African governance quality through collaboration and ‘peer training’. However, the APRM raises many concerns in the academic world. Firstly, states are not compelled to participate in the peer review program. Secondly, if they do sign up, the recommendations of the APRM are not enforced. Because of these issues, this thesis aims to determine to which degree the APRM has addressed poor governance in Africa since it was founded in 2003. First, this thesis evaluates the structure of the APRM and its relevance to good governance. Second, this thesis compares the institutional quality of the peer-reviewed APRM countries before and after undergoing review - creating two sets of data for the same group. Lastly, this thesis uses four case studies, following a constructivist approach. This section exposes alternative motivations to join the APRM (like a guise of good will). Also, by selecting four states (Botswana, Zimbabwe, The DRC and Ghana) that correspond to four potential positions on the APRM, it is possible to confirm or rule out common trends found in the statistical analysis.Show less
The question of British identity is a valid one in the aftermath of the 2014 Scottish Referendum. Although 55% of the Scots voted against Scottish independence, nearly half of the Scots backed the...Show moreThe question of British identity is a valid one in the aftermath of the 2014 Scottish Referendum. Although 55% of the Scots voted against Scottish independence, nearly half of the Scots backed the Yes-campaign on Thursday 18 September 2014 and thus favoured an independent Scotland over a united family of nations. In this thesis it will be aimed to uncover if and how the debate surrounding the Scottish referendum and its outcome has affected and will affect the soft power of the United Kingdom by answering the following question: to what extent has the debate surrounding the 2014 Scottish Referendum and its outcome affected the soft power exerted by the United Kingdom?Show less
This thesis looks at whether or not Japanese prime minister Abe has framed the rise of China as a threat to Japan's security environment in order to exercise the right of collective self-defense; a...Show moreThis thesis looks at whether or not Japanese prime minister Abe has framed the rise of China as a threat to Japan's security environment in order to exercise the right of collective self-defense; a right that is currently banned under the Japanese constitution. Discourse analysis is used to analyze several incidents that have framed a China threat narrative. Based on the research, this thesis states that the Japanese government may have potentially framed China's rise in order to push for collective self-defense. Further research must be done in order to give a more general conclusion.Show less
In order to explore the dynamics of unequal citizenship between the Jewish citizens and the Arab citizens of the state of Israel this thesis engages with the societal security dilemma, a variant of...Show moreIn order to explore the dynamics of unequal citizenship between the Jewish citizens and the Arab citizens of the state of Israel this thesis engages with the societal security dilemma, a variant of the traditional security dilemma that operates between different societies on an intrastate level and focuses on collective identity concerns. The societal security dilemma as such offers an alternative approach to the traditional perspectives provided on ethnic conflict by security studies. Through the method of content analysis the perceived threats to the collective identity of both the Jewish Israeli society and the Palestinian Arab society present in the state of Israel are qualitatively analyzed. From the side of the Jewish Israeli majority political-legal measures aimed at Israel’s Arab minority are investigated as part of the action-reaction process. From the side of the Palestinian Arab minority the Vision Documents, a set of three separate and seminal documents which express the minority’s view of the future of the Israeli state are investigated as part of the action-reaction process. The two societies find themselves locked into a regular societal security dilemma in which the Jewish Israeli majority demonstrates expansionist security-seeking behavior and the Palestinian Arab minority exhibits non-expansionist security-seeking behavior.Show less
This thesis explores the durability of Libya's authoritarianism before and during the Arab Spring. By using a conceptual framework on Arab authoritarianism, this thesis argues that Gaddafi's system...Show moreThis thesis explores the durability of Libya's authoritarianism before and during the Arab Spring. By using a conceptual framework on Arab authoritarianism, this thesis argues that Gaddafi's system of governance survived for 42 years due to the structure of the state, its economic and foreign policies, and its claims on various forms of nondemocratic legitimacy. The argument is that these elements of Libya's governance resulted in a situation whereby the regime initially was able to withstand mass protests, but that the regime's actions also led to the military intervention that played an important role in the downfall of the regime.Show less
Recent challenges in the relationship between NATO and Russia have led to suspension of political and military cooperation. This thesis assesses the causal relationship between the gradual...Show moreRecent challenges in the relationship between NATO and Russia have led to suspension of political and military cooperation. This thesis assesses the causal relationship between the gradual deterioration of relations and NATO’s expansionism to Eastern Europe. This research uses process tracing of key events and developments to draw a historical pattern of the transformation in the relationship since the ending of the Cold War up until the Ukraine Crisis of 2014. To analyse the relation, this work uses a hybrid model of neorealist and social constructivist theories to understand power relations and motivations that underlie the developments. Overall, NATO’s eastward-enlargement to include former Soviet republics in its membership and its aspirations of creating a European-wide anti-ballistic missile defence system are identified as the main components that fuelled the deterioration in relations with Russia. Responding from a sense of insecurity, Russia has grown more assertive in regional politics to ensure its national interests. Russia has been able to project power in regional politics in aims of regaining its former power status. Russia’s increasingly confrontational stance has eventually manifested in military interventions in Georgia and Ukraine. The current suspension of relations does not constitute a structural new Cold War, but nevertheless is the product of an overall deterioration of relations.Show less
This thesis seeks to showconsiders how oil, as one of the key factors, did drivedrove the foreign policy of Iran in certain ways during the presidency of Ahmadinejad. It examines the role of oil as...Show moreThis thesis seeks to showconsiders how oil, as one of the key factors, did drivedrove the foreign policy of Iran in certain ways during the presidency of Ahmadinejad. It examines the role of oil as a source of government power and shows how it is playing a strategic role in Iran’s relations with other countries.Show less
This thesis discusses the phenomenon of social service provision by Mexican drug cartels in the state of Michoacán. It does so by analyzing state building theory according to Gramsci and Weber and...Show moreThis thesis discusses the phenomenon of social service provision by Mexican drug cartels in the state of Michoacán. It does so by analyzing state building theory according to Gramsci and Weber and applies it to parallel governance provided by these drug cartels.Show less
The prospective nationalization of privately owned hand holdings in Guatemala placed the democratically elected government of Jacob Arbenz on a collision course with the champions of liberal...Show moreThe prospective nationalization of privately owned hand holdings in Guatemala placed the democratically elected government of Jacob Arbenz on a collision course with the champions of liberal-capitalism; the United States. Using American Exceptionalism as a theoretical construct this paper argues that developments in Guatemala were viewed within the State Department and the CIA from a position that restated historical assumptions of American superiority. This paper looks at the CIA coup against Guatemalan President Jacob Arbenz through a unique analytical lens that seeks to move away from a strictly Cold War narrative. Contesting values of rule and governance came to the fore in conceptualising a fictitious communist threat and fostered the belief among policymakers that President Arbenz should be removed from office. This paper will address how these beliefs resonated in policy making through an appropriation of American Exceptionalism to the Guatemalan coup.Show less
Equatorial Guinea is one of the smallest countries of Africa and the only Spanish speaking nation. Equatorial Guinea pursued the path of most Sub-Saharan nations and it achieved its independence in...Show moreEquatorial Guinea is one of the smallest countries of Africa and the only Spanish speaking nation. Equatorial Guinea pursued the path of most Sub-Saharan nations and it achieved its independence in 1968, followed by a harsh dictatorship that continues until nowadays. However, the destiny of the country changed when oil resources were found in the 1990´s and Equatorial Guinea come to be the third largest oil producer of the continent. The recent economic growth has not been reflected in the life standards of most population and only 0.6% of the rising GDP is expended on education. The remarkable inequality, combined with a linguistic isolation under a dictatorship, have an important impact in the development of education and specifically primary education. This thesis aims to understand the situation of primary education in the last ten years in relation with the language imperialism. Moreover, this paper is concern with a remark in the peculiar use of Spanish as an official language and how the use of this language can affect the field of education.Show less
