This research explores the relationship between the female gaze and feminist documentaries in the case of Palestine through three feature-length documentaries: The Judge by Erika Cohn, What Walaa...Show moreThis research explores the relationship between the female gaze and feminist documentaries in the case of Palestine through three feature-length documentaries: The Judge by Erika Cohn, What Walaa Wants by Christy Garland, and Naila and the Uprising by Julia Bacha. This thesis argues that the films demonstrate a few common features of the agency of Palestinian women and emphasize the importance of various issues related to their lives under patriarchy. This thesis argues that through their female subjectivity, experiences, and use of feminist aesthetics, this thesis argues that the female filmmakers innovatively and creatively expose these issues and put their subjects’ struggles at the forefront, as feminist documentary practices are set to do. As such, through their female gaze, the findings demonstrate that the sample of female filmmakers’ works leads to the critical re-thinking of the representation of Palestinian women and the questioning of patriarchy in Palestine.Show less
This thesis discusses the secular-Islamic feminist paradigm in the Middle East, specifically in Turkey, and the thesis focusses on the current feminist debate between secular and Islamic feminists...Show moreThis thesis discusses the secular-Islamic feminist paradigm in the Middle East, specifically in Turkey, and the thesis focusses on the current feminist debate between secular and Islamic feminists in Turkey.Show less
This thesis investigates the effects of neoliberalism on labour and the social reproduction of labour. The thesis provides a literature review of the extensive literature on neoliberalism in...Show moreThis thesis investigates the effects of neoliberalism on labour and the social reproduction of labour. The thesis provides a literature review of the extensive literature on neoliberalism in general and in Egypt before providing a historical account of neoliberal reforms and their effect on the corporatist bargain between labour and the state. It then proceeds to discuss the effects of neoliberalism on informality, welfare and repression. The thesis argues that on all these fronts workers have been increasingly marginalised and forced to live in substandard conditions. Neoliberalism has caused a spike in informal employment and informal settlements. This informality results in decreased working conditions, wages and housing conditions. Another effect of the neoliberal reforms was the reduction of state provision of welfare. This vacuum was filled by private actors, often those families and individuals who benefitted from the neoliberal reforms in the first place. Labour is now dependent on private actors to provide services, which used to be a right based on citizenship. Harvey characterises neoliberal reforms as accumulation through dispossession. Lastly, the thesis claims that resistance to this dispossession has been effectively repressed through legal obstacles, Sisi-linked media narratives securitising resistance and an increased security apparatus. Overall, workers have suffered the brunt of neoliberal reform to the benefit of a select group of elites, who now attempt to form a coalition with the security forces to maintain stability, prevent another 2011 and maintain their accumulated wealth.Show less
This thesis researched how the gender role of women developed in Iran between 1979 and 2009. The private and public lives of women were central by studying family law, women in politics and...Show moreThis thesis researched how the gender role of women developed in Iran between 1979 and 2009. The private and public lives of women were central by studying family law, women in politics and educational opportunities for women.Show less
This thesis aims to discuss how the contemporary movements are the result of a history of tense relations between the region, its mainly Amazigh inhabitants and the Makhzen as well as paying...Show moreThis thesis aims to discuss how the contemporary movements are the result of a history of tense relations between the region, its mainly Amazigh inhabitants and the Makhzen as well as paying attention to how protesters communicate their contention. It can be argued that the economic issues in this region also developed with identity politics and regional contention at its heart. In order to analyze this, it is essential to explore the history of the Rif in a larger context, highlighting not only incidents between Berbers and the Makhzen, but also sentiments regarding one another. A historical overview will provide the frame in which to discuss marginalisation of the region and how this is perceived by Riffians. Lastly, the issue of Riffian-Amazigh identity will be discussed through a study of protest images, including different elements of identity and contentionShow less
The goal of this thesis is to focus on the Greek women of Istanbul and how all these political events influenced their lives, while also providing an analysis of their language choices and their...Show moreThe goal of this thesis is to focus on the Greek women of Istanbul and how all these political events influenced their lives, while also providing an analysis of their language choices and their status in the society of Istanbul. The analyses will be based on a set of letters of written by Sophia to her daughter Elpida who moved from Istanbul to Netherlands in 1954. In addition to these letters, other sources of data include interviews of five Istanbul Greek women, information from the Society of Greeks of Istanbul and books that have collected testimonies, newspaper articles and report of the Greek consul and speeches of Turkish officials. It can be concluded from all these source materials that the Greek women of Istanbul were unequivocally influenced by the political events of 1940’s, 1950’s and 1960’s in distinctive ways.Show less
In this paper, I investigate the relationship between the marriage institution and political legitimacy in Saudi society from a feminist perspective. I argue that the inherent inequality between...Show moreIn this paper, I investigate the relationship between the marriage institution and political legitimacy in Saudi society from a feminist perspective. I argue that the inherent inequality between men and women embedded in the Ḥanbalī marriage contract and Najdī customs was utilized by the state in the 1932 Saudi-Wahhābī alliance to create a specific “Saudi patriarchy” designed to subjugate citizens. I further examine the durability of this patriarchy post-1932 and argue that the Saudi state and its ‘ulamā’ successfully continued to manipulate the institution of matrimony to monitor and control the sexuality of its subjects which effectively distracted some citizens from pursuing their political rights. After discussing the creation and application of Saudi patriarchy, I contend that such a system needs to be deconstructed through the reformulation of the Ḥanbalī marriage contract to eradicate the gender hierarchy embedded within it. This research also attempts to explore whether this social change that can create empowered Saudi identities can also lead to political reform.Show less
Despite the rentier state literature predicts a negative impact of the oil rent on the Middle Eastern monarchies, both Kuwait and Bahrain adopted constitutional experiments in the early twentieth...Show moreDespite the rentier state literature predicts a negative impact of the oil rent on the Middle Eastern monarchies, both Kuwait and Bahrain adopted constitutional experiments in the early twentieth century. Yet, Kuwait and Bahrain’s paths also both diverged. By employing a structured comparison of similar cases with different outcomes, this thesis seeks to explain the different paths pursued by the two monarchies, despite their identical liberalisation attempts. It is argued that the controlled parliamentary transition at the independence was planned by the rulers to secure their rule, while external threats acted as catalysts. While in Bahrain the external actors backed the Al Khalifa authoritarian tendencies, avoiding a parliamentary reinstatement, the Al Sabah repeatedly turned to the National Assembly to appease and balance the opposition. Consequently, a powerful parliament, considered dangerous in Bahrain, became an integral part of the Kuwaiti politics and identity.Show less
"With great power comes great responsibility." In a modern neoliberal democratic society responsibility is distributed to different domains of society. My thesis is based on the theoretical notion...Show more"With great power comes great responsibility." In a modern neoliberal democratic society responsibility is distributed to different domains of society. My thesis is based on the theoretical notion of negotiation between state and citizen in the public sphere. I have theorized that within a democratic society, civil society associations represent various segments of society. Additionally, civil society associations are necessary in order to let elections function democratically. Another important element is the political rationale of neoliberalism in a modern democracy. This rationale determines how the relationship of civil society and state is defined and how responsibility is distributed. The distribution of responsibility equals distribution of power, and to justify the use of power actors instrumentalize morality.Show less
This research will examine the main debates about the reforms of the New Family Code in Morocco that was issued in 2004 by King Mohammed VI. The main political parties were composed of modernists,...Show moreThis research will examine the main debates about the reforms of the New Family Code in Morocco that was issued in 2004 by King Mohammed VI. The main political parties were composed of modernists, conservatives and reformists who engaged in such discussions. The disagreement between modernists and conservatives led to the interference of the monarch, who formed a commission responsible for implementing the reforms. Feminist efforts and contributions will also be outlined to examine whether the reforms will ensure women’s participation in the public sphere and promote gender equality. Although the Family Code received several positive reactions, it still has many loopholes upon closer examination; however, the public opinion of Moroccans varies greatly as many remain unaware of these loopholes.Show less
This research deals with the question what the economic system based on precious metals (the natural situation) looked like in the Muslim world and if the evolution toward fiat money violated the...Show moreThis research deals with the question what the economic system based on precious metals (the natural situation) looked like in the Muslim world and if the evolution toward fiat money violated the commandments of the sharia concerning riba, particularly riba al-fadl and riba nasi’ah? These two forms of riba apply specifically to gold and silver, designated in the Quran and Sunnah as natural money. The evolution of money described by Fox and Ernst consists of five different stages, namely the natural situation where gold and silver are valued by their intrinsic value. This situation is sharia compliant but in the next stage coins were valued at face or nominal value, a violation of riba al-fadl which prescribes the exchange of weight for weight. Bank money is seen as the next stage, and this is problematic regarding riba nasi’ah as the exchange of gold and silver is deferred whereas the sources prescribe exchange being done on the spot. Paper money convertible to gold is the fourth stage. This again constitutes deferred exchange of metals, but also riba al-fadl as there is no 100% backing of the notes brought in circulation. Fiat money is totally divorced from gold and silver and is always brought into existence as a loan with interest. Islamic finance hasn’t really engaged with the topic of the permissibility of fiat money, but it appears interest in the subject is gaining traction as most Muslims feel that from an Islamic perspective there is something fundamentally wrong with the current financial system.Show less
De Turkse regering zit in een spagaat, sinds dat ze vanaf 2011 Syrische vluchtelingen opvangt binnen haar landsgrenzen, tussen het bieden van humanitaire hulp enerzijds en het behouden van de...Show moreDe Turkse regering zit in een spagaat, sinds dat ze vanaf 2011 Syrische vluchtelingen opvangt binnen haar landsgrenzen, tussen het bieden van humanitaire hulp enerzijds en het behouden van de soevereiniteit anderzijds. Deze scriptie beschrijft het beleid, wat ze voert om de risico’s in te perken, en de problematiek waar de Turkse regering tegenaan loopt. Er wordt met name gekeken naar de 63e provincie van Turkije, namelijk Hatay. Deze provincie was tot 1937 van het Syrische mandaat, is een jaar later onafhankelijk geworden en is door een referendum in 1939 deel van Turkije geworden. De provincie is een microkosmisch Syrië omdat het religieus en etnisch erg divers is. Dit maakt het een kwetsbaar gebied waar de Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Partij voor Rechtvaardigheid en Ontwikkeling - AKP), met haar soennitische retoriek, een groot deel van de bevolking niet bereikt. Deze grensprovincie is daarom bij uitstek de beste casus om naar de zwakke plekken in de soevereiniteit van de Turkse staat te kijken. De hoofdvraag van deze scriptie is: Wat is de invloed van de toestroom van vluchtelingen uit Syrië, als gevolg van de burgeroorlog in Syrië sinds 2011, op de soevereiniteit van de Turkse staat in de provincie Hatay? Het onderzoek bespreekt de periode vanaf het begin van de Syrische burgeroorlog in 2011 tot aan 2015 omdat later dan 2015 te recent is om over te schrijven.Show less
