The question of the Palestinian and Israeli conflict and the political situation at hand strongly indicates that the existing popular culture is influenced by power and politics. Film as a form of...Show moreThe question of the Palestinian and Israeli conflict and the political situation at hand strongly indicates that the existing popular culture is influenced by power and politics. Film as a form of popular culture is also influenced by the wider discourse of world politics and beholds the features of broadcasting certain messages to the audience. Therefore, film is worth studying as a potential medium to convey the struggle of the Palestinian people. This research provides a better understanding of the importance of culture as a political medium in the Palestinian struggle, especially in the global context, given regard to the correlation between politics and culture. More specifically, the research aimed to analyze how contemporary art house films about the Palestinian struggle relate to the new form of the intifada also referred to as the global intifada. The research focused on three art house films from 2013 onwards: Mars At Sunrise, Condom Lead and In Vitro. The analysis was based on how these films relate to the characteristics of the global intifada, such as the cultural, intersectional, decolonial-global and inter/national features through interconnected-joint initiatives. To gain a better understanding of the social relationship between these film productions and the global intifada, the theory of Pierre Bourdieu of the cultural field was applied. The findings suggest that these films, as a cultural medium, visualize the global intifada mainly through cultural practice. Non-traditional film techniques and genres, such as visual effects and fantasy/science fiction, are hereby key factors. Moreover, the statements of the film producers indicate an inter/national, and most importantly global, approach to highlighting the Palestinian struggle in their artworks. Finally, the works relate to the transformational and decolonial character of this intifada, as they challenge the wider public to change their narrative of the Palestinian individual and the Palestinian struggle.Show less
This thesis will bring to light the Maronite Christian argument that, in its waning days, the Ottoman Empire conducted a well-planned genocidal policy vis-à-vis the Christian subjects of its...Show moreThis thesis will bring to light the Maronite Christian argument that, in its waning days, the Ottoman Empire conducted a well-planned genocidal policy vis-à-vis the Christian subjects of its Eastern Mediterranean provinces, and expressly suppressed or silenced the history of this policy. In particular, this thesis will focus on the Maronite Christians of the Ottoman Province (Sanjak) of Mount-Lebanon, and the crimes perpetrated against them, as part and parcel of the better known Ottoman policies against the Armenians, the Assyrians, and the Pontus Greeks during the Great War period. This thesis will stress the importance of studying and remembering history, including the minorities’ perspective and experience of it, admitting it into “official” histories, and explaining how official histories may have consequences in unresolved and recurring issues of memory and identity in modern Lebanon. This thesis will bring to bear recent scholarship and recently released archival sources relative to Ottoman Lebanon, in order to help illuminate a time period that is still shrouded in obscurity. I rely on numerous primary and secondary sources such as memoirs, biographies, histories, historiographies, and lyrical accounts. These sources are varied in perspective as some are written by Eastern Christians themselves, other Ottoman subjects, and both local and foreign bystanders privy to the events on Mount-Lebanon between 1914 and 1918. This thesis will be organized into three chapters, which will attempt to shed light on the historiographical debate, the Christian memories of the Great Famine of Mount-Lebanon, the Christian perspective of an Ottoman genocidal policy vis-à-vis Mount-Lebanon; attempt to explain the reason for the silenced history, and the consequences faced today, in a modern (Greater) Lebanon that is in many ways the outcome of the events of 1914-1918.Show less
This thesis provides an analysis of claims about veiling in parliamentary debates between 2007 and 2019. In my research, I have further build on Saharso and Lettinga’s work, who have analyzed...Show moreThis thesis provides an analysis of claims about veiling in parliamentary debates between 2007 and 2019. In my research, I have further build on Saharso and Lettinga’s work, who have analyzed public debates about veiling (1999-2006). Developments of the past fourteen years called for a comprehensive analysis of the use of frames in political debates with an updated framework to see if these developments signify new (clusters of) frames. I have defined five clusters of frames: (1) state-church frames, (2) integration frames, (3) discrimination frames, (4) gender frames, and (5) security frames. Based on a content analysis of parliamentary debates, I conclude that there have been developments in debates about veiling, which signify either new frames or new clusters of frames. Research showed that the use of security frames indeed signifies a new cluster of frames, particularly resonant in burqa debates. Another observation is that the integration, discrimination and gender frames are part of larger debates and, in contrast to the state-church and security frames, cannot be linked to particular debates or specific public realms, neither can they be organized in time. While the discrimination frames seem to be a separate cluster in relation to the integration frames, this does not mean that the integration frames have become less relevant in debates about veiling. Another outcome is that the Judeo-Christian heritage frame is incidentally used in parliamentary debates and does not represent a certain trend or development. Lastly, the state-church frames are still relevant in debates about veiling, particularly in debates about accommodation of headscarves in the police force.Show less
This thesis investigates discursive trends on the topic of productivity and entrepreneurship in resource-rich Middle East countries (specifically Gulf Cooperation Council states). It provides both...Show moreThis thesis investigates discursive trends on the topic of productivity and entrepreneurship in resource-rich Middle East countries (specifically Gulf Cooperation Council states). It provides both qualitative and quantitative analyses of the existing literature. General findings point to the dominant role that the Rentier State Theory has had in shaping the discourse.Show less
Under the circumstances of a protracted war situation, failures to establish a political solution and no meaningful dialogue on the current security situation in Syria, refugee repatriation and...Show moreUnder the circumstances of a protracted war situation, failures to establish a political solution and no meaningful dialogue on the current security situation in Syria, refugee repatriation and reconstruction dilemmas have become the new subject of matter for Syrian refugee host countries, both European and neighboring, and Syrian government-supporting actors, including Russia and Lebanon’s Hezbollah. Since 2017, several actors in Lebanon actively facilitate and promote the repatriation of Syrians refugees. UNHCR stated that the requirements under international law for the United Nations to organise or encourage voluntary repatriation are not yet in place in Syria. However, UNHCR officers do meet with the returning refugees and are present at all current departure points of the returns facilitated by the Lebanese General Security based on the believe that people’s voluntary choice to return must be respected. This study examines the role of UNHCR in the Syrian repatriation process in Lebanon in order to understand how non-state actors operate vis-à-vis sovereign states and to give insight into the role of international organizations in world politics. The thesis is partly based on field research in Lebanon.Show less
This research project maps out the development of Syrian civil society since the 2011 uprisings. To do so, it discusses president Bashar al-Assad's rule during the decade prior to the uprisings, to...Show moreThis research project maps out the development of Syrian civil society since the 2011 uprisings. To do so, it discusses president Bashar al-Assad's rule during the decade prior to the uprisings, to understand his contrasting policies towards and harsh repression of the independent civil society sector. Consequently, it describes the manner in which independent civil society has developed since 2011, linking it to rebel civil governance. Finally, the research project concludes with a case study of a CSO founded in 2011. The case study provides insight into the struggles and opportunities of the sector on a concrete level.Show less
The dynamics between Sufism and politics in Morocco go back hundreds of years in history, yet they are still seen as relevant to this day. Studying these dynamics can offer invaluable insights into...Show moreThe dynamics between Sufism and politics in Morocco go back hundreds of years in history, yet they are still seen as relevant to this day. Studying these dynamics can offer invaluable insights into the relationship between power and religion in Moroccan society. In this thesis I will examine the development of the Moroccan State’s discourse on Sufism in the 21st century, by analyzing the State’s utterances in the realm of Sufism within the country. In order to present an in-depth analysis, this thesis studies recent scholarly literature on this topic, as well as actual utterances of the Moroccan State in speeches and policy. Moreover, by taking into account the sociohistorical complexities of Sufism and politics in Morocco, I aim at presenting a discourse analysis that is not merely focusing on the present, but also considering the possible connections with the ‘old’ system. Drawing on Foucault’s notion of power and discourse, this thesis also aims at linking the Moroccan State’s powerful position to the discourse on Sufism. I argue that in the 21st century, the Moroccan State’s discourse on Sufism, or sainthood, has become more versatile and complex, due to it is entanglement with political challenges of the 21st century, and its employment under the realm of larger discourses.Show less
Egypt is a water scarce country with declining water resources but, at the same time, a rapidly growing population rate. These two diverging trends are especially noticeable in the agricultural,...Show moreEgypt is a water scarce country with declining water resources but, at the same time, a rapidly growing population rate. These two diverging trends are especially noticeable in the agricultural, industrial and real estate sector where water as a production factor is needed to satisfy increasing demands. The water needs of these three sectors were changed in the 1990s when Egypt introduced a set of neoliberal reforms as a requirement for deeper integration into the international political economy. In this context, water became a significant development asset and the three sectors in question turned into the biggest water consumers. Several water amelioration policies and programs have therefore been implemented in order to guarantee water availability, accessibility and sustainability. The thesis focuses on these water amelioration programs in the three sectors and uses a dual theoretical approach for outlining water management practices.Show less
The number of residents of Nordic countries, who have joined the contemporary conflicts of Iraq and Syria as foreign fighters, is high in relation to their populations. While most of these...Show moreThe number of residents of Nordic countries, who have joined the contemporary conflicts of Iraq and Syria as foreign fighters, is high in relation to their populations. While most of these individuals have indeed travelled to the conflict zones to become foreign fighters in the ranks of ISIS or other Islamist groups, there are also Nordic residents who have joined factions fighting against the Islamists. This thesis studies the background factors and motivational reasons in becoming a foreign fighter of 26 individuals from Nordic countries in Kurdish factions in the conflicts of Iraq and Syria, combining both primary and secondary sources in the research and linking the findings of the research into existing literature in the emerging field of foreign fighter studies.Show less
The thesis investigates in what ways cultural institutions in the West provide a platform for the representation of Muslim identities and how this can be significant for the accommodation of Muslim...Show moreThe thesis investigates in what ways cultural institutions in the West provide a platform for the representation of Muslim identities and how this can be significant for the accommodation of Muslim communities within the Netherlands at large. It does so by re-evaluating existing political and aesthetic theories and by analysing four case studies on different art and culture instances within the Netherlands.Show less
In a relatively short time Great Britain founded Iraq out of the three Ottoman vilayets Mosul, Baghdad and Basra. When British forces went ashore in Mesopotamia in a hurry to fight the Ottoman...Show moreIn a relatively short time Great Britain founded Iraq out of the three Ottoman vilayets Mosul, Baghdad and Basra. When British forces went ashore in Mesopotamia in a hurry to fight the Ottoman Empire because it had joined the First World War as one of the Axis, many policy issues had not been clarified yet. Too often did not only the army and the political officers on the ground, but the government officials in London as well work without a clear goal in mind. The question that begs to be asked is who was responsible for the policy in Mesopotamia. Hence, this is a study of the interaction within the British Empire during and right after World War I and its effects on policy development in Mesopotamia. When you zoom in on the British Empire, you will notice a diverse range of interests. This world encompassing Empire was not a monolith. Different regions and different political entities had conflicting ideas on the future of Mesopotamia. This thesis analyzes the British Empire itself to understand the confusion and contradictions in British policy-making following 1914 by leaving the core-periphery binary often assumed in imperialist historiography, and by paying attention to the webbed character of empires; multiple metropoles connected in a competing network.Show less
