This research explores the relationship between the female gaze and feminist documentaries in the case of Palestine through three feature-length documentaries: The Judge by Erika Cohn, What Walaa...Show moreThis research explores the relationship between the female gaze and feminist documentaries in the case of Palestine through three feature-length documentaries: The Judge by Erika Cohn, What Walaa Wants by Christy Garland, and Naila and the Uprising by Julia Bacha. This thesis argues that the films demonstrate a few common features of the agency of Palestinian women and emphasize the importance of various issues related to their lives under patriarchy. This thesis argues that through their female subjectivity, experiences, and use of feminist aesthetics, this thesis argues that the female filmmakers innovatively and creatively expose these issues and put their subjects’ struggles at the forefront, as feminist documentary practices are set to do. As such, through their female gaze, the findings demonstrate that the sample of female filmmakers’ works leads to the critical re-thinking of the representation of Palestinian women and the questioning of patriarchy in Palestine.Show less
This thesis discusses the secular-Islamic feminist paradigm in the Middle East, specifically in Turkey, and the thesis focusses on the current feminist debate between secular and Islamic feminists...Show moreThis thesis discusses the secular-Islamic feminist paradigm in the Middle East, specifically in Turkey, and the thesis focusses on the current feminist debate between secular and Islamic feminists in Turkey.Show less
In this paper, I investigate the relationship between the marriage institution and political legitimacy in Saudi society from a feminist perspective. I argue that the inherent inequality between...Show moreIn this paper, I investigate the relationship between the marriage institution and political legitimacy in Saudi society from a feminist perspective. I argue that the inherent inequality between men and women embedded in the Ḥanbalī marriage contract and Najdī customs was utilized by the state in the 1932 Saudi-Wahhābī alliance to create a specific “Saudi patriarchy” designed to subjugate citizens. I further examine the durability of this patriarchy post-1932 and argue that the Saudi state and its ‘ulamā’ successfully continued to manipulate the institution of matrimony to monitor and control the sexuality of its subjects which effectively distracted some citizens from pursuing their political rights. After discussing the creation and application of Saudi patriarchy, I contend that such a system needs to be deconstructed through the reformulation of the Ḥanbalī marriage contract to eradicate the gender hierarchy embedded within it. This research also attempts to explore whether this social change that can create empowered Saudi identities can also lead to political reform.Show less
Despite the rentier state literature predicts a negative impact of the oil rent on the Middle Eastern monarchies, both Kuwait and Bahrain adopted constitutional experiments in the early twentieth...Show moreDespite the rentier state literature predicts a negative impact of the oil rent on the Middle Eastern monarchies, both Kuwait and Bahrain adopted constitutional experiments in the early twentieth century. Yet, Kuwait and Bahrain’s paths also both diverged. By employing a structured comparison of similar cases with different outcomes, this thesis seeks to explain the different paths pursued by the two monarchies, despite their identical liberalisation attempts. It is argued that the controlled parliamentary transition at the independence was planned by the rulers to secure their rule, while external threats acted as catalysts. While in Bahrain the external actors backed the Al Khalifa authoritarian tendencies, avoiding a parliamentary reinstatement, the Al Sabah repeatedly turned to the National Assembly to appease and balance the opposition. Consequently, a powerful parliament, considered dangerous in Bahrain, became an integral part of the Kuwaiti politics and identity.Show less
"With great power comes great responsibility." In a modern neoliberal democratic society responsibility is distributed to different domains of society. My thesis is based on the theoretical notion...Show more"With great power comes great responsibility." In a modern neoliberal democratic society responsibility is distributed to different domains of society. My thesis is based on the theoretical notion of negotiation between state and citizen in the public sphere. I have theorized that within a democratic society, civil society associations represent various segments of society. Additionally, civil society associations are necessary in order to let elections function democratically. Another important element is the political rationale of neoliberalism in a modern democracy. This rationale determines how the relationship of civil society and state is defined and how responsibility is distributed. The distribution of responsibility equals distribution of power, and to justify the use of power actors instrumentalize morality.Show less
This research will examine the main debates about the reforms of the New Family Code in Morocco that was issued in 2004 by King Mohammed VI. The main political parties were composed of modernists,...Show moreThis research will examine the main debates about the reforms of the New Family Code in Morocco that was issued in 2004 by King Mohammed VI. The main political parties were composed of modernists, conservatives and reformists who engaged in such discussions. The disagreement between modernists and conservatives led to the interference of the monarch, who formed a commission responsible for implementing the reforms. Feminist efforts and contributions will also be outlined to examine whether the reforms will ensure women’s participation in the public sphere and promote gender equality. Although the Family Code received several positive reactions, it still has many loopholes upon closer examination; however, the public opinion of Moroccans varies greatly as many remain unaware of these loopholes.Show less
This research deals with the question what the economic system based on precious metals (the natural situation) looked like in the Muslim world and if the evolution toward fiat money violated the...Show moreThis research deals with the question what the economic system based on precious metals (the natural situation) looked like in the Muslim world and if the evolution toward fiat money violated the commandments of the sharia concerning riba, particularly riba al-fadl and riba nasi’ah? These two forms of riba apply specifically to gold and silver, designated in the Quran and Sunnah as natural money. The evolution of money described by Fox and Ernst consists of five different stages, namely the natural situation where gold and silver are valued by their intrinsic value. This situation is sharia compliant but in the next stage coins were valued at face or nominal value, a violation of riba al-fadl which prescribes the exchange of weight for weight. Bank money is seen as the next stage, and this is problematic regarding riba nasi’ah as the exchange of gold and silver is deferred whereas the sources prescribe exchange being done on the spot. Paper money convertible to gold is the fourth stage. This again constitutes deferred exchange of metals, but also riba al-fadl as there is no 100% backing of the notes brought in circulation. Fiat money is totally divorced from gold and silver and is always brought into existence as a loan with interest. Islamic finance hasn’t really engaged with the topic of the permissibility of fiat money, but it appears interest in the subject is gaining traction as most Muslims feel that from an Islamic perspective there is something fundamentally wrong with the current financial system.Show less
De Turkse regering zit in een spagaat, sinds dat ze vanaf 2011 Syrische vluchtelingen opvangt binnen haar landsgrenzen, tussen het bieden van humanitaire hulp enerzijds en het behouden van de...Show moreDe Turkse regering zit in een spagaat, sinds dat ze vanaf 2011 Syrische vluchtelingen opvangt binnen haar landsgrenzen, tussen het bieden van humanitaire hulp enerzijds en het behouden van de soevereiniteit anderzijds. Deze scriptie beschrijft het beleid, wat ze voert om de risico’s in te perken, en de problematiek waar de Turkse regering tegenaan loopt. Er wordt met name gekeken naar de 63e provincie van Turkije, namelijk Hatay. Deze provincie was tot 1937 van het Syrische mandaat, is een jaar later onafhankelijk geworden en is door een referendum in 1939 deel van Turkije geworden. De provincie is een microkosmisch Syrië omdat het religieus en etnisch erg divers is. Dit maakt het een kwetsbaar gebied waar de Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Partij voor Rechtvaardigheid en Ontwikkeling - AKP), met haar soennitische retoriek, een groot deel van de bevolking niet bereikt. Deze grensprovincie is daarom bij uitstek de beste casus om naar de zwakke plekken in de soevereiniteit van de Turkse staat te kijken. De hoofdvraag van deze scriptie is: Wat is de invloed van de toestroom van vluchtelingen uit Syrië, als gevolg van de burgeroorlog in Syrië sinds 2011, op de soevereiniteit van de Turkse staat in de provincie Hatay? Het onderzoek bespreekt de periode vanaf het begin van de Syrische burgeroorlog in 2011 tot aan 2015 omdat later dan 2015 te recent is om over te schrijven.Show less
Although often overshadowed by the tumult in the region, and in Iraq specifically, there has been discussion in recent years of the normalization of relations between Kuwait and Iraq. The primary...Show moreAlthough often overshadowed by the tumult in the region, and in Iraq specifically, there has been discussion in recent years of the normalization of relations between Kuwait and Iraq. The primary purposes of this study are, first, to provide an analysis of Kuwaiti foreign policy toward Iraq and, second, to determine the role of regional inter-state structures in shaping this policy. Using journalistic accounts, statements from government officials, and data concerning macroeconomic activity and military expenditure, this research shows that relations have indeed gotten closer between Kuwait and Iraq, particularly since 2010. Additionally, evidence is presented demonstrating that Kuwait is engaging in a foreign policy strategy of hedging in its relations with Iraq, allowing it to prepare for multiple potential security threats while maximizing short-term economic and political benefits. It is argued that closer ties between Kuwait and Iraq have been enabled and incentivized by the changing structure (both material and social) of international relations in the Gulf region. Finally, through its analysis of Kuwaiti foreign policy toward Iraq, this thesis seeks to demonstrate the potential usefulness of the concepts of strategic hedging and structural power in the analysis of small state behavior in international relations.Show less
In this thesis the Solidere project to rebuild post-war Beirut is analysed. The focus is on the identity Solidere intended to create and the strategy they choose to build and brand this identity.
