This thesis explores how the populist radical right seeks to control non-majoritarian liberal institutions through democratic means. Specifically, I test this theory within presidential systems,...Show moreThis thesis explores how the populist radical right seeks to control non-majoritarian liberal institutions through democratic means. Specifically, I test this theory within presidential systems, examining whether a radical right government leads to an increase in legislative proposals that target the disempowerment of constitutional courts. Therefore, my hypothesis is that the number of legislative bills aiming to overcome the autonomy of constitutional courts is higher under populist radical right governments than under non-radical ones. I employ a mixed-method approach, starting with four longitudinal quantitative research and then applying in-depth analyses conducted in Brazil, El Salvador, the Philippines, and the United States to compare instances of radical right governance with those of previous non-radical coalitions in each country. The results generally support the hypothesis, except for a notable deviant case observed in the United States.Show less
This study addresses the behavior of regionalist parties in Spain as supporters of minority state governments. Focusing on three parties, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, EH Bildu and the Basque...Show moreThis study addresses the behavior of regionalist parties in Spain as supporters of minority state governments. Focusing on three parties, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, EH Bildu and the Basque Nationalist Party, this paper compares and analyzes their behavior in seven votes of the 2019-2023 legislature, looking closely at the exchanges of support and political concessions between the central government and these three parties. From this observation it can be concluded that the pay-offs preferred by the regionalist parties are territorial policy concessions, such as transfers of powers or state investments in these autonomous communities. However, it cannot be concluded that regionalist parties prefer multi-level goods, nor is there a relationship between the degree of regionalist extremism of the parties and their preferred type of territorial concession.Show less
The rationale behind economic voting is simple: the citizen votes for the government if the economy is doing all right; otherwise, the vote is against (Lewis-Beck and Stegmaier 2000). However,...Show moreThe rationale behind economic voting is simple: the citizen votes for the government if the economy is doing all right; otherwise, the vote is against (Lewis-Beck and Stegmaier 2000). However, various studies have found cross-country and across-time variation regarding the intensity of economic voting (e.g., Paldam 1991; Anderson 1995; Duch and Stevenson 2008), leading an increasing number of scholars to discuss and test potential moderators of the economic vote equation (e.g., Anderson 2000; Duch and Stevenson 2008). Nonetheless, only a few authors have regarded the characteristics of the alternative to the underperforming incumbent, the opposition, as potential moderating factors (Anderson 2000; Maeda 2009; Ferrer 2023). Therefore, the goal of this thesis is to understand how the configuration of the parliamentary opposition, regarding its fragmentation and polarization, impacts its viability as an alternative and, consequently, the intensity of economic voting. Using data from 208 elections that took place in 29 European democracies between 1989 and 2021, I found that a more fragmented opposition actually increases the intensity of economic voting. However, I did not reach any statistically significant conclusions regarding the effect of the polarization of the opposition on the intensity of economic voting.Show less
The European Union is often considered a powerful force in democracy promotion in its neighbourhood, widely being credited with the successful democratisation of many Central and Eastern European...Show moreThe European Union is often considered a powerful force in democracy promotion in its neighbourhood, widely being credited with the successful democratisation of many Central and Eastern European countries (Dimitrova & Pridhram, 2004; Pop-Eleches, 2007; Schimmelfennig, 2007). It is all the more puzzling therefore that this successful push for democratisation has not materialised in the Western Balkans, where many countries, despite their status as candidate member states of the union, have experienced prolonged periods of democratic backsliding (Castaldo, 2020, 1633). Why is the EU’s strategy to promote democratic performance failing here? Several researchers have pointed towards the EU’s own policy agenda as an important contributor to the decrease in democratic performance (Huszka, 2018, 361; Castaldo, 2020, 1633). This thesis set out to contribute to these studies by analysing the effects of an EU-sponsored media reform in Serbia that has been accused of decreasing media freedom in the country (Freedom House, 2016; Huszka, 2018, 361; Castaldo, 2020, 1630-1631). Through a mixed quantitative and qualitative content analysis, it aimed to answer the question: how has the EU-sponsored media strategy impacted progovernment bias in the Serbian media? It found that pro-government bias in the media was not significantly affect by the media strategy.Show less
Political participation is typically associated with conventional forms of participation, but in recent years academics have been increasingly interested in unconventional political participation...Show morePolitical participation is typically associated with conventional forms of participation, but in recent years academics have been increasingly interested in unconventional political participation due to declining turnout rates across European democracies. Unconventional forms of participation in politics are quite freely practiced in democratic countries, however, it remains unclear which factors influence unconventional modes of participation in non- democratic countries. The aim of this thesis is to examine the individual and context-level factors that may influence the patterns of unconventional political participation in Turkey. For this purpose, drawing on the civic voluntarism model and the political opportunity structure as the theoretical backbone of the study, regression analyses are conducted using World Values Surveys for the years 1996, 2001, 2007, 2011, and 2018 to see how the impact of various individual-level variables and the rule of law index changes over time. The findings indicate that more educated and politically interested citizens as well as members of civil society organizations have a greater likelihood to engage in unconventional political participation.Show less
This study is an effort to extrapolate the patterns that exist in parliamentary voting in the Dutch Parliament. It investigates what party- and vote characteristics influence the divisions between...Show moreThis study is an effort to extrapolate the patterns that exist in parliamentary voting in the Dutch Parliament. It investigates what party- and vote characteristics influence the divisions between coalition and opposition and between left and right that exist in parliamentary voting. Using a triadic model on all recorded votes in the 2017-2021 parliamentary term, this study finds that the proposing actor, proposal type, and proposal subject are relevant predictors of the division that will come about in a parliamentary vote. Specifically, this study provides evidence for three points. Firstly, amendments, bills, and budgets are found to have a stronger left-right division than motions, which have a more dominant coalition-opposition split. Secondly, proposals from opposition parties are found to have a stronger coalition- opposition division than proposals from the government or coalition. Thirdly, contrary to theoretical expectations, this study only finds very limited effect of topical ideological distance on votes pertaining to said topic. The effect is only significant for proposals on economics and environment. This study contributes to the literature by using an extensive dataset and an innovative triadic method. In doing so, this study has attempted to further understanding of parliamentary behaviour based on coalition- and opposition membership and ideology in the Dutch Parliament.Show less
Recent advisory reports on the Dutch parliamentary system, public scrutiny, and parliamentary upheaval following transgressive behaviour by the old speaker of parliament have drawn attention to the...Show moreRecent advisory reports on the Dutch parliamentary system, public scrutiny, and parliamentary upheaval following transgressive behaviour by the old speaker of parliament have drawn attention to the functioning of parliamentary administrations. The support staff of parliaments is a scarcely covered topic in political science. In a new body of literature, this article is only the second to examine parliamentary staff size quantitatively. It fundamentally extends the scope of previous research from western democracies to a much broader population of parliaments. Drawing on both a functionalist and an institutionalist framework, it hypothesises that population size, population non-linearity, clientelism, parliamentary competition, an interaction between clientelism and parliamentary competition, parliamentary culture, and institutional isomorphism influence the number of institutional and committee staff in parliaments. This research uses house-level data from 161 countries over ten years and employs multilevel analysis to test these hypotheses. It finds strong support that population size, population size non-linearity, and institutional isomorphism influence staff size, while it finds mixed support for parliamentary competition as a predictor of staff size. There was no support for parliamentary culture, clientelism, and the clientelism-competition interaction hypotheses. Additionally, previously thought insignificant predictors of staff size, such as assembly size and parliamentary powers, were, in fact, significant. This article is the first to look at parliamentary administrations, which are vital to the functioning of primary democratic institutions, from a global perspective. Due to the mixed results, it calls for more extensive research on different types of staff, further disentangling of the mechanisms posited, and further data collection to progress understanding of this veiled political and administrative institution.Show less
This thesis aims to understand the impact of the 2015-2016 refugee crisis on the parliamentary discourse in the Netherlands and Greece. It does so by drawing on Triandafyllidou’s (2018) work on...Show moreThis thesis aims to understand the impact of the 2015-2016 refugee crisis on the parliamentary discourse in the Netherlands and Greece. It does so by drawing on Triandafyllidou’s (2018) work on media and political discourse, which proposed an important distinction between three discursive frames developed in response to the refugee crisis: 1) a moralizing frame; 2) a security frame; and 3) a rationalizing frame. The goal is to trace these frames in Dutch and Greek parliamentary debates, as parliaments have not received much attention in the academic debate. The analysis covers transcripts of plenary sessions in parliamentary debates between August 2015 and April 2016. Following the work of Triandafyllidou (2018), the key hypothesis is that the longer a refugee crisis lasts, the more parliamentary debates become dominated by a rationalizing frame, regardless of how affected countries are by refugee inflows. The findings identify that no particular frame dominated the parliamentary debates, indicating that political parties remained stable on the left-right dimension. Thus, against the expectations from the literature on the 2015-2016 refugee crisis, the thesis demonstrates that the refugee crisis did not impact the political discourse in EU member states.Show less
Party systems in contemporary democracies have underwent profound changes in the last decades. The emergence of far-right parties is only one of the many factors determining our modern political...Show moreParty systems in contemporary democracies have underwent profound changes in the last decades. The emergence of far-right parties is only one of the many factors determining our modern political systems. However, we can also see a further radicalisation of these parties combined with a simultaneous attempt to uphold a ‘civil’ image. This thesis aims to explain this development by looking at the role of the ideological movement of the New Right and its influence on far-right parties. For this, a case study in Germany shall be conducted. The presence of New Right ideology in far-right parties will be identified via frame analysis and the connections between the two explored through process tracing. Through this analysis the presence of New Right frames in far-right party ideologies was found and the importance of personal connections between the New Right and the aforementioned parties stated. The analysis contributes to the understanding of developments in our party system and aims to explain part of the reason why far-right parties radicalise themselves.Show less
Electronic participation initiatives at the national and the EU-level have been consistently increasing in number and scope in the last two decades. Despite this trend, adoption of e-participation...Show moreElectronic participation initiatives at the national and the EU-level have been consistently increasing in number and scope in the last two decades. Despite this trend, adoption of e-participation tools by citizens remains low. By conducting an analysis of e-petitions to the European Parliament in the period from 2013 – 2019, this study examines whether more trust towards the EU leads to more EU-level e-participation. Although previous studies have shown a positive relationship between trust and e-participation at the local and national levels, this is the first study to examine whether the same relationship exists at the EU-level. The results from a multiple linear regression across 27 member states suggest that more trust towards the EU does not lead to more e-participation. This finding is a first step in uncovering the dynamics between trust and e-participation in the EU, which could have important policy implications for the design and deployment of e-participation initiatives in the future.Show less
This thesis studies an imposed peace agreement's effect on a state's voter turn-out and its relationship with low voter turn-out. The study focuses on the case of Bosnia and Hercegovina (BiH),...Show moreThis thesis studies an imposed peace agreement's effect on a state's voter turn-out and its relationship with low voter turn-out. The study focuses on the case of Bosnia and Hercegovina (BiH), which has had a mandated peace agreement since December of 1995: the Dayton Peace Agreement. My key expectation for the research is that BiH citizens do not perceive their vote as a factor that could implement change in the electoral process and eventually incorporate their political changes through politicians and their parties. Furthermore, the consociational aspect of the state, corruption and violence may lower voter turn-out. The analysis has been executed through in-depth interviews with 12 citizens in BiH, deriving from different ethnic backgrounds and equally divided by gender, age, and voters and non-voters. The analysis has strongly brought forward a relationship between corruption and low voter turn-out. The results also show that one of the causes of citizens not heading to the ballot box is that their vote will not imply significant change. This is also because of the consociational nature within the state that uses peacebuilding and power-sharing. The presence of nationalist parties and the DPA's administration also raised issues with respondents through the analysis.Show less
This thesis considers environmental policy representation in a comparative study of 21 European countries to find what explains that hardly any of them have enacted policies commensurate with the...Show moreThis thesis considers environmental policy representation in a comparative study of 21 European countries to find what explains that hardly any of them have enacted policies commensurate with the public consensus on the need to mitigate climate change. Based on an original dataset of public opinion on ten potential environmental policy changes between 2008 and 2020, the main results are that amidst general policy responsiveness, both genders and age groups are equally well represented whereas high-educated citizens experience a slight representational bias. This demonstrates that climate policy adoption is not hampered by the underrepresentation of pro-environmental interests. The analyses in the second part reject descriptive representation as a plausible explanation for unequal policy responsiveness. Doing so, this thesis emphasizes the importance of going beyond numbers to explore mechanisms that facilitate the representation of climate preferences held by diverse groups in society.Show less
Taking an elite-centred approach, this paper analyses the recent attempted electoral reform initiative in Canada (national level), primarily focusing upon the most influential and powerful...Show moreTaking an elite-centred approach, this paper analyses the recent attempted electoral reform initiative in Canada (national level), primarily focusing upon the most influential and powerful political actors throughout this process. In particular, the extent to which individual political elite motivations (both material and ideational) can help explain why reform attempts likely fail, will be of central interest. The theoretical framework, which is used to navigate this research puzzle, consists of the ‘barriers model’ by Rahat and Hazan (2009, 2011), and the related, ‘models of electoral system change,’ by Benoit (2004). By building upon ‘barriers model,’ in particular, this project seeks to increase academic understanding of the relationship between both material and ideational motivations, how such motivation types might be recognised, and importantly, how both interact in the context of proposed electoral reform. By using an exploratory process tracing methodology, the complex mechanisms associated with both types of political elite motives are examined. Overall, this study seems to confirm majority academic opinion, that material motivations are the key driving incentives behind whether electoral reform is likely to fail or succeed. However, that being noted, evidence from this research paper does, nonetheless, appear to suggest strong ideational incentives for both the removal and retention of the status quo. While the relationship between both motive types is complex, the use of ideational argumentation to mask more salient material motives does appear present throughout.Show less
This thesis investigates the effect of a personalist leadership style on the electoral support of right-wing populist parties. Drawing on Pappas’ (2016) binary definition of personalist leadership...Show moreThis thesis investigates the effect of a personalist leadership style on the electoral support of right-wing populist parties. Drawing on Pappas’ (2016) binary definition of personalist leadership as well as on a broader body of academic literature on personalism and right-wing populist parties, the expectation is formulated that a personalist leadership style increases the electoral support of (newly established) right-wing populist parties. The hypothesis is tested using a medium-N comparative cross-case analysis comparing right-wing populist parties with a personalist leadership style to those without a personalist leadership style. Based on the analysis, this thesis finds no evidence for a substantial effect of a personalist leadership style on the electoral support of right-wing populist parties.Show less
In this paper, I observe policy changes by established parties which react strategically to new right challengers with a hard stance on migration/integration policies. By assessing parliamentary...Show moreIn this paper, I observe policy changes by established parties which react strategically to new right challengers with a hard stance on migration/integration policies. By assessing parliamentary speech data in a quantitative text analysis with Wordscores in combination with a manual content analysis, I contribute to the ongoing debate of how and when mainstream parties change their positions on the migration/integration dimension. I focus on Germany from 2011 – 2018 to evaluate the effect of the new right challenger “Alternative für Deutschland” (AfD) which became successful in the light of the so called ‘refugee crisis’. Both the quantitative text analysis and the manual content analysis find no effect for established parties before the AfD entered the parliament and observe a clear adversarial strategy of left Parties when the AfD entered parliament.Show less
Recent reports of a large number of polling place closures in the Southern United States after the Supreme Court’s Shelby County v. Holder (2013) decision sparks interest in the factors surrounding...Show moreRecent reports of a large number of polling place closures in the Southern United States after the Supreme Court’s Shelby County v. Holder (2013) decision sparks interest in the factors surrounding polling place closures and the consequences of these closures. Because little is known about the subject, this paper aims to give more clarity on these factors and consequences. It hypothesizes (1) that polling place closures have a negative effect on voter turnout; (2) that counties with a larger minority population experience more polling place closures than counties with a smaller minority population, (2a) especially in states where the Republican party has unified control over state government; and (3) that the negative effect of polling place closures on voter turnout is larger in counties with a larger minority population. Using county-level data from the 2008, 2012, and 2016 presidential elections, this paper finds no support for H1, showing that polling place closures do not have a significant effect on voter turnout. While polling place closures lead to less physical turnout, they are associated with increases in absentee turnout. It finds mixed results for H2, H2a, and H3. This paper is the first of its kind in testing these relationships in a US-wide large-N observational study. Because of the inconclusive nature of its results and the general lack of academic research into the topic, this paper advocates for more research into polling place closures and their connection to race, ethnicity, and voter turnout.Show less
This thesis delves into how the so-called 'European refugee crisis' of 2015 impacted the parliamentary migration and integration discourse in the Netherlands. The study focuses on the eleven...Show moreThis thesis delves into how the so-called 'European refugee crisis' of 2015 impacted the parliamentary migration and integration discourse in the Netherlands. The study focuses on the eleven parties in the Second Chamber of the Netherlands during the Cabinet Rutte- Asscher (2012-2017). The expected changes in the Dutch parliamentary discourse are the use of the 'frame of reason' to bring together contrary discourses and the criminalization of refugees by left-wing parties. This thesis remains open to other changes in discourse by using a grounded theory approach to discourse analysis. In this way, the migration and integration discourse can be studied in an open-minded and differentiated way. This thesis shows that most elements of the ‘frame of reason’ were used during the refugee crisis and that a separation of left-wing parties occurred in which some left-wing parties started to criminalize refugees. In line with Waerniers & Hustinx (2019), a conditionality of residence rights and citizenship for different types of migrants emerged in the debate. Mair's (2009) concepts of responsiveness and responsibility were used to offer a possible explanation for the shifts in the discourse of the parties in government.Show less
Not much is known about MP’s after they leave parliament. This study analyses the development of patterns in post-parliamentary employment in The Netherlands between 1967 and 2017. With 999 MP’s...Show moreNot much is known about MP’s after they leave parliament. This study analyses the development of patterns in post-parliamentary employment in The Netherlands between 1967 and 2017. With 999 MP’s coded, this is the most extensive study into post-parliamentary careers up to date and a first inquiry into a development over time. The study argues – and finds – that the function of parliament is increasingly used as a steppingstone for a further career as MP’s are increasingly making a move towards more attractive careers, either within or outside the political domain. Besides such dynamic changes, this study shows that MP’s from traditionally stronger and governing parties have a distinctive advantage for gaining a more attractive post parliamentary career while MP’s from anti-establishment parties have a distinctive disadvantage. Even when there is controlled for the background career of a MP. Finally, this study has tried to establish a link between the patterns of post-parliamentary employment and parliamentary behaviour for the first time. However, the results indicate that such a connection, if it is even present, is relatively weak.Show less
Despite the obvious disadvantages of coalitions with many partners, apparent already in the formation process, electorates in established democracies have been witnessing coalitions with many...Show moreDespite the obvious disadvantages of coalitions with many partners, apparent already in the formation process, electorates in established democracies have been witnessing coalitions with many partners throughout the years. In many studies on coalition governments however, coalitions are often treated as black boxes. In this quantitative study, I examine whether there is a linear relationship between the number of parties in coalition and the ability of the electorate to identify the party positions of the coalition partners. Through the use of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES) and the ParlGov.org dataset, I created a dataset with 70 coalitions in twenty established democracies between 1996 and 2017. I used the standard deviation of the score on the left-right dimension assigned by the electorates to government parties as a proxy for disagreement among voters. Only a rather inconsistent relationship between the predictor variable and the dependent variable was found.Show less
While it has been well established that political dissatisfaction is related to voting for populist parties, we know less about what specifically this dissatisfaction has to do with the functioning...Show moreWhile it has been well established that political dissatisfaction is related to voting for populist parties, we know less about what specifically this dissatisfaction has to do with the functioning of democracy. This question of the relationship between how democracy is perceived to function and party preferences has attracted certain attention in established democracies, but almost none in post-communist East-Central European countries. To fill this gap, I ask (1) what aspects of dissatisfaction with democracy are related to voting for populist parties in this region and (2) to what extent dissatisfaction drives support for populist parties. The study employs European Social Survey 2012 and includes 6 East-Central European countries. I run a comparative quantitative study on the demand side and compare populist parties’ voters to non-populist voters and abstainers. Results suggest that support for democratic protest voting model is very country-specific, and that overall patterns with regards to the suggested model are hardly identified in post-communist democracies.Show less
