The Eurozone crisis is an example of how democratic regimes can be threatened under emergencies, and it revealed two contributing phenomena – the state of exception and technocracy. This thesis...Show moreThe Eurozone crisis is an example of how democratic regimes can be threatened under emergencies, and it revealed two contributing phenomena – the state of exception and technocracy. This thesis aims to understand the link between the two in the context of emergency politics, through the paradox of politics. This paradox, which can be traced back to Rousseau, brings to light an aporia in democratic politics, where we need good citizens to make good laws and good laws to make good citizens. This thesis starts by analysing each phenomenon individually and the way they threaten democracy. It then interprets them through the paradox of politics as arrangements meant to resolve that paradox, but infringing upon the ideal of democracy it subscribes to (inspired by the analysis of political theorist Bonnie Honig). Finally, it analyses the link between them and the potentials for the democratization of emergency politics. The main conclusions are 1) in emergency politics, technocracy and exception display a link of mutual reinforcement that infringes upon democratic politics (empirically and conceptually), and 2) the democratization of emergency politics requires not only a deexceptionalization of emergency (as suggested by Honig), but also a process of detechnocratization of democracy.Show less
In recent years, Automated Influence, understood as “the use of artificial intelligence to collect, integrate and analyse people’s data, and to deliver targeted interventions based on this analysis...Show moreIn recent years, Automated Influence, understood as “the use of artificial intelligence to collect, integrate and analyse people’s data, and to deliver targeted interventions based on this analysis, intended to shape their behaviour” (familiarly referred to as ‘algorithms’) has stirred up many debates among the public, as well as within academia (Benn & Lazar 2022, 127). While much of the discussion has focused primarily on issues of privacy in the light of Big Data, this thesis seeks to analyze how Automated Influence impacts the deliberative, discursive, and fundamentally social space on which society depends on, in particular for collective decision-making/politics. I argue that Automated Influence deployed on social media platforms violates people’s fundamental interest in social agency, which is defined as the ability of a person to act and reflect on her own motives all the while taking part in the fundamentally social process of forming, defending, and adapting the reasons according to which she acts. Moreover, it undermines people’s autonomy and social trust, which both serve as preconditions for their exercise social agency. After reviewing contemporary EU regulation seeking to address some of the problematic aspects related to Automated Influence, I explain why there cannot be a purely top-down approach to mitigating the harms emanating from Automated Influence, which results in my conclusion that only through educating people about its potential harms could mitigate the problem in the long run.Show less
Post-foundational political thought, based on the recognition of necessary contingency of all political arrangements has been widely employed as both an analytical tool as well as a vehicle for...Show morePost-foundational political thought, based on the recognition of necessary contingency of all political arrangements has been widely employed as both an analytical tool as well as a vehicle for critique in light of several diagnoses of the abysmal future of contemporary democracies. Nonetheless, there is reason to belief that the efficacy of post-foundationalism is compromised through a deficit in the articulation of normative critique, and in the actualisation and operationalisation of critique revealing the contingency of the political, i.e., ethico-political critique. This thesis sets out to fulfil two endeavours: first, identify the possibility of articulating ethico-political critique within a paradigm of post-foundationalism through relational practices in social ontology, and second, apply this paradigm as an analytical tool onto one of the most prominent diagnoses of contemporary democracy’s decline, Wendy Brown’s account of neoliberal de-democratisation. Through this, this thesis argues that the site of ethico-political critique in post-foundationalism may be found in relational resistance practices within the ontic dimension of the social which reveal the contingency of both ontic and ontological arrangements in both the social and the political. Thus, such practices could serve as a first step in articulating a scheme of critique against neoliberal de-democratisation which, according to Brown, currently fails due to the absence of alternative world-views.Show less
This thesis will focus on overcoming inconsistencies found in Nussbaum’s theory on animal ethics, with help from Carter’s work on opacity respect. It will contain six chapters with each its own...Show moreThis thesis will focus on overcoming inconsistencies found in Nussbaum’s theory on animal ethics, with help from Carter’s work on opacity respect. It will contain six chapters with each its own research question. First, I will elaborate on what Nussbaum’s work on animal ethics entails, after which I will go into detail as to why we have sufficient reason to believe that many mysteries on the animal mind have yet to be solved. Nussbaum claims humans have a duty to treat each species according to their wants and needs, but this proofs to be difficult when new aspects of the animal mind are discovered as we speak. The third chapter will contain the main problem with Nussbaum’s theory: she relies too heavily on scientific research about animal consciousness. After I have elaborated on what Carter’s theory on opacity respect entails, I will identify what modifications need to be made in order to apply Carter’s theory onto non-human species. Carter argues that we must look at a creature’s capabilities only at a superficial level; to treat them ‘opaque’ as to avoid unequal treatment. The last chapter will explain why Carter’s theory on opacity respect cannot solve the problem within Nussbaum’s theory, because the core idea of her work will be lost. We will face a difficult dilemma: either we keep Nussbaum’s theory and accept the inconsistency, or reject her theory fully. Other possibilities and further research will be explored additionally.Show less
This thesis delves into the moral dimensions of political authority, particularly focusing on the absence of political obligation and state illegitimacy as proposed by Alan John Simmons, a...Show moreThis thesis delves into the moral dimensions of political authority, particularly focusing on the absence of political obligation and state illegitimacy as proposed by Alan John Simmons, a prominent advocate of philosophical anarchism. It inquires whether Simmons' philosophical anarchism implies political anarchism— involving a duty to oppose and undermine the state. The thesis critically examines Simmons' arguments and counterarguments against critics Joseph Wellman and Thomas Senor, who assert that Simmons' position results in justified disobedience and a moral duty to resist the state. By viewing the moral implications of state illegitimacy within Simmons' 'balance-of-reasons' approach, this thesis contends that Simmons fails to defend his framework against implying political anarchism. Additionally, it proposes the concept of an 'adaptive duty to oppose and undermine the state,' a nuanced approach in response to non-consensual state coercion that acknowledges moral concerns while striving for peaceful yet effective political reform.Show less
The thesis discusses the importance of political institutions in a democratic country and the challenges of fulfilling the criteria for a sound democratic process. Focused on the notion of...Show moreThe thesis discusses the importance of political institutions in a democratic country and the challenges of fulfilling the criteria for a sound democratic process. Focused on the notion of enlightened understanding, it emphasizes the need for democratic institutions to support the development of all democratic citizens while acknowledging intellectual differences among citizens. This thesis identifies an erosion of institutions responsible for the task of bringing about enlightened understanding. From here, this thesis delves into the recent emergence of Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) as a tool to assist voters in decision-making and discusses its potential and the potential of incorporating conversational agents within VAAs to enhance citizens' enlightened understanding. Moreover, this thesis argues for the integration of (CA)VAAs as an essential part of the institutional structure of modern democracies, given the ongoing corroding of traditional institutions. The thesis explores the concept of democracy, address potential issues, examine various institutional approaches, analyze technological advancements, and assess the implementation of (CA)VAAs.Show less
I provide an analysis of modern freedom, introduced by de Dijn. I claim that modern freedom is a vague and ambiguous concept, influenced by many different conceptions throughout history, which all...Show moreI provide an analysis of modern freedom, introduced by de Dijn. I claim that modern freedom is a vague and ambiguous concept, influenced by many different conceptions throughout history, which all have had different ideas about freedom and the value of freedom within a political context, and that they are all still relevant to this day. To defend this claim, this thesis makes two arguments. The first is that the conceptions of freedom that form the basis of modern freedom, show many differences in their conceptions and valuations of freedom. If the conceptions on which modern freedom is based are diverse and different, it would seem that modern freedom is not a homogeneous conception, but instead an assembly of different ideas and values that can change depending on the context of the discussion in which it is named. The second argument is that there are many elements in De Dijn’s conception of modern freedom that can be traced back to her notion of democratic freedom, which would suggest that the ‘decisive breach’ that De Dijn describes is not as decisive as she claims it was. Instead, while new elements were introduced, our modern conception of freedom has been influenced by both ancient and modern ideas on freedom, leading to a broad and vague, context-dependent conception of freedom in modern times.Show less
A central tenet of the standard account of moral enhancement qua algorithmic technology is that it has the potential to solve the mega-problems of our time, such as global poverty or the climate...Show moreA central tenet of the standard account of moral enhancement qua algorithmic technology is that it has the potential to solve the mega-problems of our time, such as global poverty or the climate crisis. Thereby, it is simply assumed that the enhanced moral competence of individual agents will directly translate into solutions to our major moral problems. This paper sheds light on this key assumption and argues for a more sophisticated outlook on the potential effects of algorithmic moral enhancement. In particular, it is shown that our major moral problems are essentially political problems which are characterised by various kinds of dilemmas. The author shows that due to this peculiar nature of these problems, three distinct challenges arise when it comes to translating moral competence into political solutions. These challenges will have to be met by future proposals of algorithmic moral enhancement.Show less
This thesis challenges both Michael Huemer’s claim that political authority is a moral illusion and his suspicion that such authority cannot be justified. It argues that Huemer’s arguments against...Show moreThis thesis challenges both Michael Huemer’s claim that political authority is a moral illusion and his suspicion that such authority cannot be justified. It argues that Huemer’s arguments against two prominent elements of the traditional social contract theory fail, and that political authority based on both explicit and implicit agreement is possible in a valid manner. It furthermore rejects Huemer’s criticism of consequentialism as a justification for political authority, and defends the possibility of a plausible rule consequentialist account of political authority. Additionally, it criticises Huemer’s claim that government is not necessary for the provision of the vital good of limiting dangerous climate change. It suggests that it is plausible that many people currently live under political authority on a climate policy-based consequentialist account of political authority.Show less
In this thesis, I will discuss Robert Nozick’s entitlement theory of justice as developed in his Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Specifically, I will examine his theory of justice in holdings and its...Show moreIn this thesis, I will discuss Robert Nozick’s entitlement theory of justice as developed in his Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Specifically, I will examine his theory of justice in holdings and its three constituent principles of justice in acquisition, justice in transfer, and the principle of rectification. The core focus of this thesis is, however, on Nozick’s principle of rectification, which ties his entitlement theory together. As part of this analysis, I will also explore questions concerning how far back one must and can go, what a victim may require as rectification for an injustice, and various other complications that cannot be simply ignored in the face of practical real-world applications. Specifically, I will consider the injustice of slavery as it existed in the United States from its foundation in 1776 up until 1865, when the Thirteenth Amendment proclaimed that “neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, […] shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.” For the injustice of slavery during this time period, I will provide an empirical and data driven analysis to quantify the requisite Nozickian rectification. Having examined the question of how large rectification for slavery ought to be, I conclude that it should be minimal or nil if the question is analyzed under Nozickian libertarian principles. My conclusion is based on (a) a review of the conceptual problems with claims for rectification, and (b) an empirical analysis that provides a rough estimate of how much claimants can possibly expect to receive for rectification.Show less
This master thesis investigates Hannah Arendt’s conception of conscience. The implicit scholarly consensus is that Arendt had only one conception of conscience. However, I will argue that Arendt...Show moreThis master thesis investigates Hannah Arendt’s conception of conscience. The implicit scholarly consensus is that Arendt had only one conception of conscience. However, I will argue that Arendt developed two distinct conceptions of conscience and that the later conception should be favoured over her earlier conception. Arendt’s first conception of conscience portrays conscience as the result of taking over societal values, which then make demands on us. However, according to her second conception conscience is not automatically active in everyone, instead conscience needs to be brought about by thinking. To make my argument in favour of Arendt’s second conception, I follow a dynamical, historical approach, according to which thinkers can change their minds. If later texts about the same subject (conscience) strongly contradict earlier texts, then we should look at which text fits better in the thinker’s overall framework. In the case of Arendt and her conception of conscience, it is her second conception of conscience which can support her banality of evil thesis and her conception of thinking. Therefore, I am concluding that Arendt’s conception of conscience as a by-product of thinking should be viewed as her most authoritative position on conscience. As a result, not everyone has a conscience, whereas everyone could have one.Show less
The literature on distributive justice has mostly focused on interactions within or between states. However, the role of non-state actors in theories of justice has remained largely unexplored. In...Show moreThe literature on distributive justice has mostly focused on interactions within or between states. However, the role of non-state actors in theories of justice has remained largely unexplored. In this thesis, I focus on the role of one of those non-state actors: the multinational corporation. Since multinationals act in multiple countries, I ask what role multinationals should play within a cosmopolitan theory of justice, in which all human beings are considered to be moral equals. More specifically, I argue, that multinationals should not be allowed to determine how justice is realized, because competition forces them to be partial towards their own interest, and second, because they lack formal mechanisms of accountability. I argue that this prevents them from respecting the moral equality of individuals that is required by cosmopolitan justice. Instead, I argue that a lack of global regulation of multinationals will cause injustices in the organization of the multinational as well as in the countries in which the multinational operates. To prevent these injustices from happening, I argue that multinationals should be regulated by impartial, supranational institutions. As a policy recommendation, I suggest that regulatory attempts should focus on global fiscal reform, since current corporate tax evasion aggravates several of the corporate injustices discussed, and because tax evasion undermines the realization of cosmopolitan justice.Show less
