In recent years, China has thoroughly changed its position on climate justice and climate governance. They have went from advocating for climate justice and for their right to industrialize to...Show moreIn recent years, China has thoroughly changed its position on climate justice and climate governance. They have went from advocating for climate justice and for their right to industrialize to making global climate governance a key part of their national and international identity. The Green Belt and Road Initiative has been a key factor in how China now profiles itself. In this paper, I argue how the Green Belt and Road Initiative can play a role in China’s global climate leadership ambitions, but also highlight some of its flaws that could hinder it instead.Show less
This thesis explores the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on the middle-high income economy of Azerbaijan. The research specifically focuses on whether public statements made by...Show moreThis thesis explores the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on the middle-high income economy of Azerbaijan. The research specifically focuses on whether public statements made by Azerbaijani and Chinese politicians – asserting that the BRI has promoted Azerbaijan's economic growth – align with economic realities. This is examined through four facets: the BRI’s role in Azerbaijan's emergence as a transit hub, economic diversification, overall economic growth, and Sino-Azerbaijani cooperation beyond the transport sector. The results seem to suggest an association between BRI partnership and positive economic changes, such as economic diversification and GDP growth. However, the assertion that the BRI is the sole driver of these changes is premature, considering other influencing factors and the recent establishment of the BRI. Therefore, while political rhetoric may not entirely match the economic reality, the findings suggest potential for future bilateral benefits and economic growth. A need for further long-term research is needed to solidify any of the conclusions.Show less
Mainstream International Relations theories perceive the China-Myanmar bilateral relationship in terms of a zero-sum game, in which the close ties between the two countries either benefit China or...Show moreMainstream International Relations theories perceive the China-Myanmar bilateral relationship in terms of a zero-sum game, in which the close ties between the two countries either benefit China or not. Such theories are too simplistic. Often overlooked is not only the complex domestic situation in Myanmar, but also how China and Myanmar cultivated a strong bilateral relationship during the NLD era. In order to account for Myanmar’s complex domestic context, this thesis analyses the security impact of the coup on the ethnic rebel-controlled areas bordering China, and the economic impact on the Sino-Myanmar pipelines, one of China’s major Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects. The research question of this study is: to what extent did China materially benefit from the February 1 coup in Myanmar? This thesis concludes that the coup increased the intensity of the conflict with EAOs, thus worsening the subsequent adverse conflict spill-over effect in the border areas. Furthermore, China’s BRI investments, including the pipelines, have historically been more secure under civilian NLD rule then under the military Tatmadaw rule. Thus, the February 2021 coup does not materially benefit China.Show less
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as an international development incentive has raised critiques of hidden agenda power politics in many regions around the world. Although research indicates...Show moreThe Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as an international development incentive has raised critiques of hidden agenda power politics in many regions around the world. Although research indicates possible positive consequences of the BRI, criticists believe the development initiative shows characteristics of economic and political dependence through power politics. Some even argue the BRI shows neo-colonial characteristics. However, as China is not a former European colonial power, nor a developed nation, the assumption of classical neo-colonialism is inconvenient. This research argues that China is using the BRI as a new form of neo-colonialism in the 21st century. By holding the classical interpretations of neo-colonialism in the light of the 21st century, this research developed a broader conceptualisation of modern-day neo-colonialism. By means of an operationalisation framework using four neo-colonial characteristics (import and export dominance, dominance in crucial industries, fields and companies, backwardness and debt-obligations), this research found that China in some cases used neo-colonialism as an instrument to obtain economic and political dependence over Hungary, Serbia and Poland.Show less
This research investigates China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) engagement in Serbia and Montenegro and has identified two potential conditions which explain the differences in the outcome of the...Show moreThis research investigates China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) engagement in Serbia and Montenegro and has identified two potential conditions which explain the differences in the outcome of the two countries. Between 2013 and 2022, China has engaged through the BRI with Serbia and Montenegro. This led to two different outcomes for the similar-looking countries, where Montenegro seemed less pleased with engagement than Serbia. This research aimed to identify underlying conditions that could explain the differences through a qualitative case study that applies historical institutionalism. The two countries were investigated individually to identify the levels of engagement and whether there were critical junctions in the two cases. The Serbian critical juncture is more of a pattern of (un)taken actions in decision-making by the Serbian government benefitting Chinese engagement. In the case of Montenegro, the Bel-Boljare highway can be identified as a clear critical juncture. However, due to certain assumptions in the media and political landscape, it has been portrayed as a Chinese debt trap. Consequently, the two cases were compared to see the similarities and differences and identify a possible explanation for why the outcomes differed. This study has identified two conditions that can explain the differences: the geographical position of Serbia and the geopolitical position of both countries.Show less
China and Europe have significantly expanded their economic relations in recent years. However, this cooperation has developed at a slower pace in the political realm. Both actors expressed their...Show moreChina and Europe have significantly expanded their economic relations in recent years. However, this cooperation has developed at a slower pace in the political realm. Both actors expressed their willingness to translate their economic ties into a “strategic partnership” which will allow China and Europe to represent more of a building blocks in the international system. The main narrative in the EU-China literature is that China and Europe are too ideologically distant and thus, they will never achieve a strong partnership that goes beyond economic cooperation. Moreover, the literature presents China as an assertive actor that is looking outward just to gain economic and political advantages and the sympathy of like-minded countries. It is not a surprise that when in March 2019 the Italian government decided to join China in the construction of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), The US and other major European countries have highly criticized Italy’s naïveté. Contributing to critical scholarship, this thesis engages in constructivist theory to analyse the different identities and normative drivers underlying European and Chinese BRI discourse. This thesis argues that European and Chinese identities are not fixed concepts and since the establishment of the BRI, Europe and China have presented themselves with divergent identities. This thesis aimed to provide an answer to the question why, and to what extent, Italian participation in the BRI proves that, despite some important normative differences that underline EU-China relations, in reality, EU members can overcome this identity clash and engage in a constructive dialogue with China that is neither detrimental nor dangerous for the EU. This thesis offers a contribution to the realist dominated BRI literature by outlining the constructivist forces that shape EU-China relations. The finding of this research add a constructivist voice to the ongoing debate around the BRIShow less
The 2001 war in the Islamic State of Afghanistan has devastated the lives and livelihoods of millions of Afghans, and drew in the international community in the pursuit of establishing a peaceful...Show moreThe 2001 war in the Islamic State of Afghanistan has devastated the lives and livelihoods of millions of Afghans, and drew in the international community in the pursuit of establishing a peaceful Afghanistan. On the 29th of February 2020, the US and the Taliban signed an agreement to bring peace to Afghanistan, the Doha Agreement. While the peace developments remain in uncharted territory, China has been taken on a more prominent role in supporting the peace processes in Afghanistan by facilitating peace talks, fostering regional cooperation through the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Regional Economic Cooperation Conference on Afghanistan (RECCA). Then, how is China’s broader engagement in Afghanistan contributing to the peacebuilding processes in Afghanistan? By using a combined approach to peacebuilding, this research reviews China's contribution in the dimensions of jump-starting the national economy, re-establishing the framework of governance, repairing key transportation, communication and utility networks, rebuilding key social infrastructure, assisting local population, demine where applicable and normalise financial borrowing and the Chinese behaviour toward the non-state armed actor, the Taliban. This research concludes that China's involvement does not conclusively contribute to, nor hinder, the peacebuilding efforts. Rather, China’s contributions to the Afghan peace occur largely in the economic sphere, through investment in Afghan infrastructure and the normalisation of financial borrowing, and by posing as a mediator between parties involved in the Afghan conflict, notably the Taliban.Show less
The thesis investigated if the Chinese Belt Road Initiative has brought changes in trade and investment to the economies of Saudi Arabia and Iran. Quantitative data was collected from a myriad of...Show moreThe thesis investigated if the Chinese Belt Road Initiative has brought changes in trade and investment to the economies of Saudi Arabia and Iran. Quantitative data was collected from a myriad of resources to compare the levels of trade and investment between 2010-2018. Overall, BRI has not brought changes to the economies as world affairs are a much stronger force that affect the countries and their ability to grow and develop.Show less
In recent years, the expanding role of Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) under the realm of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has drawn worldwide attention and has sparked academic and...Show moreIn recent years, the expanding role of Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) under the realm of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has drawn worldwide attention and has sparked academic and policy debates about the attendant risks and benefits of Chinese FDI for recipient countries such as Serbia. The Serbian tradition of non-alignment in foreign affairs, its progress towards EU accession and warm relations with Russia make the country a very significant geopolitical intersection. For these reasons, the case of Chinese FDI in Serbia and its role in EU-Serbian accession negotiations is the central issue in this research. This thesis considers two central theoretical aspects: it considers whether and to what extent Chinese FDI in EU candidate countries is driven primarily by efforts to circumvent EU regulations and it considers arguments for Chinese FDI as an instigator for economic development and growth in Serbia. It employs a case study design that draws on directed content analysis, construing EU-Serbian relations as a particular case or instance of EU relations with EU candidate countries receiving FDI from China. The main finding of this research is that the role of Chinese FDI is dominated by several other issues that receive greater priority in EU-Serbian negotiations.Show less
The concept of Sustainable Development is increasingly used in development policies. Still, it remains questionable whether sustainable development is feasible in reality. Since a few years, China...Show moreThe concept of Sustainable Development is increasingly used in development policies. Still, it remains questionable whether sustainable development is feasible in reality. Since a few years, China aims to be leading in sustainable development. Their Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) could secure that leading role at a global scale. Nonetheless, many scholars argue that this project is far from sustainable. Others refute this criticism and state that the BRI has the most potential for sustainable development. This thesis aims to investigate this debate by answering the following question: To what extent is ecologically sustainable development implemented within the Chinese BRI Railroad projects in Sub-Saharan African Countries? A qualitative data analysis (small-N) will answer this question. The conditions of sustainable development will be compared to practice by studying three railroad projects. This thesis will view sustainable development through an ecological lens with a focus on Strong Sustainability. This thesis analyses how the projects relate to the criteria of Strong Sustainability: protecting and promoting biodiversity, sustainable water management and carbon emission reductions. The results show that the SGR projects do attribute to the Sustainable Development Goals. Still, they could have done more to make the project genuinely sustainable; a lot of environmental concerns remain unaddressed within the projects. Therefore, these projects cannot be labelled as ecologically sustainable under the criteria of Strong Sustainability.Show less
Japan and China are competing for infrastructure projects in Southeast Asia. They have both launched their own international infrastructure development strategies: China’s Belt and Road Initiative...Show moreJapan and China are competing for infrastructure projects in Southeast Asia. They have both launched their own international infrastructure development strategies: China’s Belt and Road Initiative and Japan’s Partnership for Quality Infrastructure and Free and Open Indo-Pacific strategy. This paper will investigate how China and Japan frame their respective strategies and how they occupy different roles in Southeast Asian infrastructure development.Show less
The following research was conducted in order to shed some in depth light on how a "Belt and Road Initiative" project can look like in reality. As China consistently portrays the BRI as mutual...Show moreThe following research was conducted in order to shed some in depth light on how a "Belt and Road Initiative" project can look like in reality. As China consistently portrays the BRI as mutual beneficial and a "win-win" situation for all participants, I was keen on verifying this statement and identify if this proclamation matches reality. For this purpose, the “Special Economic Zone” of Khorgos, which is located in Kazakhstan, was chosen. It is a project along the BRI, at the border of Kazakhstan and China. The project itself has not seen much media coverage and hence turned out to be an insightful research project. The general purpose of Khorgos is to boost the amount of traded goods as well as attract investment into the area. The chosen method of research aimed at analyzing speeches given by officials of both countries regarding the BRI as well as Khorgos specifically and from that derive a possible contrast with reality. The result of the research was, that, as the project came only recently into being, it disclosed several negative aspects such as the lack of information, clarity and entry barrier for third parties outside of China and Kazakhstan. Moreover, it turned out that the business advantages prevail heavily on the Chinese side. Khorgos is furthermore not as fruitful as initially anticipated by both parties. Additionally, it is likely that China will remain the main investor in the region and continue to seek to explore new trade corridors. along the BRI, at the border between Kazakhstan and China, which has not seen much coverage and hence turned out to be an insightful research project.Show less
In recent years, China’s rise has had profound effects on a global scale as well as on individual states. There is an academic debate whether this rise is peaceful and possibly mutual beneficial or...Show moreIn recent years, China’s rise has had profound effects on a global scale as well as on individual states. There is an academic debate whether this rise is peaceful and possibly mutual beneficial or that it is a threat, economically speaking as well as political. This thesis aims to determine to what extent Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) affects the economic sovereignty of Laos. In this context, economic sovereignty is defined as the power and capability of a national government to decisions make independent of the interests of other governments. Using quantitative and qualitative research and various case studies, research has been conducted to examine the effects of Chinese FDI on the economic sovereignty of Laos in the last five years including current times. The results indicate a strong correlation between Chinese economic activity in Laos and the deepening of economic dependency on China as well as a decay of economic sovereignty for Laos due to significant debt accumulation.Show less
While its economy desperately needs investments in infrastructure and manufacturing, India not only refuses to join the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China’s massive regional interconnectivity...Show moreWhile its economy desperately needs investments in infrastructure and manufacturing, India not only refuses to join the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China’s massive regional interconnectivity project, but claims that it violates its sovereignty and serves only China’s power ambitions. Some Indian analysts even argue that by establishing naval facilities in the Indian Ocean and strengthening land connection between China and Pakistan, the BRI is part of China’s encirclement strategy against India. Others downplay such arguments as products of unfounded distrust. Following a structural realist approach to evaluate the BRI’s implications for the economic, military, and geopolitical balance of power between China and India, this thesis presents a more complex picture. It makes the case that the BRI indeed alters the relative distribution of power to China’s advantage, but both alarmist warnings about encirclement and optimistic hopes about the potential economic benefits are exaggerated or require stronger evidence.Show less