Mainstream International Relations theories perceive the China-Myanmar bilateral relationship in terms of a zero-sum game, in which the close ties between the two countries either benefit China or...Show moreMainstream International Relations theories perceive the China-Myanmar bilateral relationship in terms of a zero-sum game, in which the close ties between the two countries either benefit China or not. Such theories are too simplistic. Often overlooked is not only the complex domestic situation in Myanmar, but also how China and Myanmar cultivated a strong bilateral relationship during the NLD era. In order to account for Myanmar’s complex domestic context, this thesis analyses the security impact of the coup on the ethnic rebel-controlled areas bordering China, and the economic impact on the Sino-Myanmar pipelines, one of China’s major Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects. The research question of this study is: to what extent did China materially benefit from the February 1 coup in Myanmar? This thesis concludes that the coup increased the intensity of the conflict with EAOs, thus worsening the subsequent adverse conflict spill-over effect in the border areas. Furthermore, China’s BRI investments, including the pipelines, have historically been more secure under civilian NLD rule then under the military Tatmadaw rule. Thus, the February 2021 coup does not materially benefit China.Show less
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as an international development incentive has raised critiques of hidden agenda power politics in many regions around the world. Although research indicates...Show moreThe Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as an international development incentive has raised critiques of hidden agenda power politics in many regions around the world. Although research indicates possible positive consequences of the BRI, criticists believe the development initiative shows characteristics of economic and political dependence through power politics. Some even argue the BRI shows neo-colonial characteristics. However, as China is not a former European colonial power, nor a developed nation, the assumption of classical neo-colonialism is inconvenient. This research argues that China is using the BRI as a new form of neo-colonialism in the 21st century. By holding the classical interpretations of neo-colonialism in the light of the 21st century, this research developed a broader conceptualisation of modern-day neo-colonialism. By means of an operationalisation framework using four neo-colonial characteristics (import and export dominance, dominance in crucial industries, fields and companies, backwardness and debt-obligations), this research found that China in some cases used neo-colonialism as an instrument to obtain economic and political dependence over Hungary, Serbia and Poland.Show less
China’s contemporary foreign policy project, dubbed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or the ‘New Silk Road’, which was initiated in 2013 to foster a ‘community of shared destiny’ through...Show moreChina’s contemporary foreign policy project, dubbed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or the ‘New Silk Road’, which was initiated in 2013 to foster a ‘community of shared destiny’ through infrastructure development, has remained a prominent contemporary issue for Southeast Asian states that are situated in one of China’s key geographical areas of interest for the BRI’s designated ‘Maritime Silk Road’. While on the one hand presenting itself as a solution to the region’s infrastructural challenges through investments, it simultaneously continues to clash with a number of states within Southeast Asia over territorial disputes within the South China Sea (SCS). In this sense, what China has gained in means of hard power, it can be argued to lack in soft power within the current regional order – a power vacuum that the implementation of developments under the banner of the Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) component of the BRI could potentially resolve for China. In attempting to find an answer to the question “How has China’s 21st Century Maritime Silk Road affected state cohesion within Southeast Asia?”, a comparison has been made between five claimant states within the SCS region (the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei, and Vietnam) to see how each of their positions has potentially been altered in light of China’s MSRI, and thereby ultimately their overall cohesion. By applying a congruence analysis, the explanatory power of realist and constructivist theoretical approaches have been tested to determine which variables have been decisive in foreign policy decision-making for the observed cases. While the variables related to realism have been concluded to be more decisive for a decrease in cohesion amongst the claimant states for the time being, developments under the banner of the BRI as well as the SCS disputes are in constant flux. Therefore no definitive conclusion can be drawn yet with respect to the direction of regionalism in Southeast Asia and the most suitable theoretical explanation thereof.Show less
The EU currently faces a challenge to adopt a unified approach to control Chinese IFDI in the CEE region. It is commonly assumed that the securitization of Chinese influence and the measures in...Show moreThe EU currently faces a challenge to adopt a unified approach to control Chinese IFDI in the CEE region. It is commonly assumed that the securitization of Chinese influence and the measures in place obstruct efficient regulation of (Chinese) IFDI. This thesis aims to determine to what extent the EU can respond in a uniform way to protect European strategic infrastructure assets from China’s investment ambitions in the CEE region. More specifically, this research will analyse the effectiveness of the current measures adopted by the EU to control Chinese IFDI and it will examine the possible obstruction of a uniform approach towards regulation by considering the West-European bias, in particular the Franco-German dominance. To answer the research question, the research will make use of an in-depth case study on the Budapest-Belgrade railway project and will use neoliberal institutionalism as the theoretical framework. The results revealed weaknesses in the EU measures and shortcomings in the EU’s effectiveness as the result of a fragmented Union and a biased approach to regulate Chinese IFDI. The results suggest a re-evaluation of the EU’s strategy to ensure an effective and unified approach.Show less
In recent years, the expanding role of Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) under the realm of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has drawn worldwide attention and has sparked academic and...Show moreIn recent years, the expanding role of Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) under the realm of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has drawn worldwide attention and has sparked academic and policy debates about the attendant risks and benefits of Chinese FDI for recipient countries such as Serbia. The Serbian tradition of non-alignment in foreign affairs, its progress towards EU accession and warm relations with Russia make the country a very significant geopolitical intersection. For these reasons, the case of Chinese FDI in Serbia and its role in EU-Serbian accession negotiations is the central issue in this research. This thesis considers two central theoretical aspects: it considers whether and to what extent Chinese FDI in EU candidate countries is driven primarily by efforts to circumvent EU regulations and it considers arguments for Chinese FDI as an instigator for economic development and growth in Serbia. It employs a case study design that draws on directed content analysis, construing EU-Serbian relations as a particular case or instance of EU relations with EU candidate countries receiving FDI from China. The main finding of this research is that the role of Chinese FDI is dominated by several other issues that receive greater priority in EU-Serbian negotiations.Show less
The concept of Sustainable Development is increasingly used in development policies. Still, it remains questionable whether sustainable development is feasible in reality. Since a few years, China...Show moreThe concept of Sustainable Development is increasingly used in development policies. Still, it remains questionable whether sustainable development is feasible in reality. Since a few years, China aims to be leading in sustainable development. Their Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) could secure that leading role at a global scale. Nonetheless, many scholars argue that this project is far from sustainable. Others refute this criticism and state that the BRI has the most potential for sustainable development. This thesis aims to investigate this debate by answering the following question: To what extent is ecologically sustainable development implemented within the Chinese BRI Railroad projects in Sub-Saharan African Countries? A qualitative data analysis (small-N) will answer this question. The conditions of sustainable development will be compared to practice by studying three railroad projects. This thesis will view sustainable development through an ecological lens with a focus on Strong Sustainability. This thesis analyses how the projects relate to the criteria of Strong Sustainability: protecting and promoting biodiversity, sustainable water management and carbon emission reductions. The results show that the SGR projects do attribute to the Sustainable Development Goals. Still, they could have done more to make the project genuinely sustainable; a lot of environmental concerns remain unaddressed within the projects. Therefore, these projects cannot be labelled as ecologically sustainable under the criteria of Strong Sustainability.Show less
While its economy desperately needs investments in infrastructure and manufacturing, India not only refuses to join the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China’s massive regional interconnectivity...Show moreWhile its economy desperately needs investments in infrastructure and manufacturing, India not only refuses to join the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China’s massive regional interconnectivity project, but claims that it violates its sovereignty and serves only China’s power ambitions. Some Indian analysts even argue that by establishing naval facilities in the Indian Ocean and strengthening land connection between China and Pakistan, the BRI is part of China’s encirclement strategy against India. Others downplay such arguments as products of unfounded distrust. Following a structural realist approach to evaluate the BRI’s implications for the economic, military, and geopolitical balance of power between China and India, this thesis presents a more complex picture. It makes the case that the BRI indeed alters the relative distribution of power to China’s advantage, but both alarmist warnings about encirclement and optimistic hopes about the potential economic benefits are exaggerated or require stronger evidence.Show less
Since its introduction, the Belt and Road initiative (BRI) has become a central Chinese foreign policy project and has consequently received a lot attention in the international sphere. By...Show moreSince its introduction, the Belt and Road initiative (BRI) has become a central Chinese foreign policy project and has consequently received a lot attention in the international sphere. By referring to ancient Silk Road times, China shows it is dedicated to take an inclusive approach by its desire to develop the initiative in all the countries that are willing to cooperate. One could argue that it is a product of China’s rise to becoming an economic and political heavy-weight over the last decades. Therefore, it is important for scholars to better understand the Chinese BRI. This paper seeks to contribute to this understanding by investigating the specific case of the BRI in Kazakhstan. As the largest country of the Central Asian region in terms of land, Kazakhstan holds a key position in the BRI as the area that will connect China to the Middle-East and Europe. This study aims to build on the idea that the BRI qualifies as a Chinese strategy in conducting this case study research. To produce such a study, this paper will draw on the framework of power as introduced by influential political scientist and assistant Secretary of Defense under former president Bill Clinton, Joseph S. Nye. In the remainder of this paper, Nye’s concepts of hard, soft and smart power will be understood as mechanisms for influence when looking at the Chinese BRI in Kazakhstan. More specifically, the ambition of this paper is to investigate whether China is combining hard and soft power elements in Kazakhstan into a strategy that could be understood as smart power.Show less
