“How did American Nuclear Diplomacy and Cold War Culture Facilitate the Making of a Japanese Nuclear Powerhouse in Postwar Japan?” This thesis examines the introductory phase of nuclear power to...Show more“How did American Nuclear Diplomacy and Cold War Culture Facilitate the Making of a Japanese Nuclear Powerhouse in Postwar Japan?” This thesis examines the introductory phase of nuclear power to Japan from 1945 to 1960 with a focus on political and cultural enabling factors towards the country`s decision to “go nuclear”. The central argument of this thesis constitutes that understanding nuclear developments in Japan requires acknowledging American nuclear diplomacy efforts, Cold War dynamics and strong cultural beliefs in Science and Technology developments at that time, mainstream economic or ecological reasoning is insufficient. This thesis concludes that Japanese nuclear developments were fueled by American nuclear diplomacy efforts, an existing Cold War culture and ideological beliefs in the superiority of pioneering science and technology developments in the postwar era, which made the Japanese government and society euphoric for nuclear power, enthusiastic for nuclear adoptions. This paper enhanced understanding of the introductory phase of nuclear power from a global to a national level, exemplified and explained through Japan as an Asian regional case study deconstructed via a historically situated political and cultural contextualization.Show less
Academics have generally overlooked how NGOs use and produce knowledge to influence policymaking, or have acknowledged it but have not assessed it using the concept of epistemic communities....Show moreAcademics have generally overlooked how NGOs use and produce knowledge to influence policymaking, or have acknowledged it but have not assessed it using the concept of epistemic communities. However, knowledge can also be a powerful tool in the hands of NGOs. Indeed, this study demonstrates that NGOs are more than just advocacy actors; like epistemic communities, they influence politicians’perceptions and actions with their knowledge. To determine this, I have closely examined the role of knowledge in three NGOs bases in Brussels: Ciré, CNCD11.11.11 and Plate-Forme Mineurs en Exil, and interviewed one employee from each organisation. I then compared my findings to expectations of how NGOs would use and produce knowledge to influence policymaking, and determined that they matched the characteristics of epistemic communities. Nevertheless, this research is based on interviews and looked at specific cases. To generalise my conclusions, further research would have to be done.Show less
“This paper explores aspects of Russian cultural diplomacy in Greece during the 21st century. The focus is on features of tourism, religion and education and how these interact with Greek politics....Show more“This paper explores aspects of Russian cultural diplomacy in Greece during the 21st century. The focus is on features of tourism, religion and education and how these interact with Greek politics. The analysis looks at recent trends and tries to scrutinize the prevalent narrative that Greece and Russia are two traditional allies. Despite fertile ground for an effective cultural diplomacy policy, Russia does not capitalize on the sway and favorable view it has in Greece due to several factors. Especially in the last decade and since the onset of the Greek financial crisis, economic ties have not deepened. While there is much potential for the development of cooperation, it must take place in diverse fields and move away from the politicized domain of energy.”Show less
A review of the literature on the Russo-Iranian relationship identifies a widening mismatch between expectations and reality. Scholarly expectations highlight a propensity of conflict, based upon...Show moreA review of the literature on the Russo-Iranian relationship identifies a widening mismatch between expectations and reality. Scholarly expectations highlight a propensity of conflict, based upon traditional security considerations resulting in a definition of the Russo-Iranian relationship that is instrumental, limited, and asymmetric – an ‘axis of convenience’. However, the last decade reveals that both Russia and Iran have been able to consolidate their bilateral security ties despite apparent clashes and historical mistrust. Contributing to constructivist scholarship, this thesis engages with international recognition to gain insight into the ideational and normative underpinnings of the Russo-Iranian partnership, in order to provide a new take upon the question why, and to what extent, the partnership does work – instead of why it does not, or will not, work. A constructivist analysis of international recognition and misrecognition has been conducted to answer this thesis’ main research question: What are the ideational underpinnings driving the Russo-Iranian security congruence? The findings in this thesis provide a balanced and contextualized account of both powers’ foreign policies and give greater attention to the forces of congruence shaping the Russo-Iranian partnership in the Middle East and beyond.Show less
In the first decades following decolonisation, African nations were on the forefront of promoting absolute sovereignty and non-intervention. The Constitutive Act of the African Union that was...Show moreIn the first decades following decolonisation, African nations were on the forefront of promoting absolute sovereignty and non-intervention. The Constitutive Act of the African Union that was adopted in 2000, grants the organisation the right to intervene in case of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity. This reflects a conceptualisation of sovereignty as responsibility. To understand this shift in conceptualisation of sovereignty, this thesis conducts a discourse analysis of nine official declarations of the Organization of African Unity between 1990 and 1999 through the lens of constructivist theory. It finds that collective identity, in the guise of Pan-Africanism, serves an important role in enabling the shift in conceptualisation of sovereignty through narrative and interaction. This suggests that collective identity, explicitly on the regional level, is an important factor to be considered in the institutionalisation of humanitarian intervention and has implications for the Responsibility to Protect.Show less
This exploratory research deals with identity discourses in Iran in relation to the Islamic Republic's foreign policy. The four identity discourses - Iranism, Islam, anti-hegemony and...Show moreThis exploratory research deals with identity discourses in Iran in relation to the Islamic Republic's foreign policy. The four identity discourses - Iranism, Islam, anti-hegemony and hyperindependence are examined based on contemporary studies on this topic.Show less
This thesis seeks to explore and understand the manner in which elite actors in Iraq constructed the sectarian violence in 2006 between the Shia and Sunni communities. To comprehensively analyse...Show moreThis thesis seeks to explore and understand the manner in which elite actors in Iraq constructed the sectarian violence in 2006 between the Shia and Sunni communities. To comprehensively analyse this period, this paper will make use of Dexter and Jackson's framework "the Social Construction of Organised Political Violence". It will show how elites – called agents of political violence – used specific discourses and discursive sites to bring about the conditions necessary for political sectarian violence. However, this paper also argues that one cannot understand the sectarian violence in 2006 outside of the context of the U.S' invasion and subsequent occupation.Show less
In the past decades the global foreign aid system has witnessed the rise of a new, or rather re- emerging, group of donors (Woods Ngaire 2008; Momani and Ennis 2012; Young 2017). The UAE is one of...Show moreIn the past decades the global foreign aid system has witnessed the rise of a new, or rather re- emerging, group of donors (Woods Ngaire 2008; Momani and Ennis 2012; Young 2017). The UAE is one of these aid donors, having established a foreign aid system in its founding year 1971. Due to the lack of transparency in its aid practices and the small size of the country, the UAE’s aid practices have been understudied. However, some moves towards greater transparency have developed and thus renewed investigation into this question is possible (Almezaini 2012). One of the UAE’s major foreign aid beneficiaries is Egypt, particularly since 2013 when the largest share of UAE foreign aid was directed to the country (MICAID 2014). This thesis analyzes the motivations driving UAE aid to Egypt since 2011. In so doing, it outlines theories of aid allocation and proposes an alternative to the theory of constructivism. Moreover, it posits that the motivations driving UAE aid to Egypt are twofold: a desire to influence Egypt’s political landscape and a perceived threat of rising Muslim Brotherhood and political Islam rhetoric in a regionally influential country.Show less
This thesis will argue that to remain relevant within scholarship, IR scholars should recognize, as Nye and Strange have, that MNCs are powerful actors that influence the states they operate in,...Show moreThis thesis will argue that to remain relevant within scholarship, IR scholars should recognize, as Nye and Strange have, that MNCs are powerful actors that influence the states they operate in, the global political economy, and the norms and values the international system is based on. This point is fundamental to the study of IR so long as IR claims to explore power dynamics and the influences behind state-to-state interaction. This thesis does not claim that multinationals ought to be included in the study of IR on the grounds that they supersede the state or that states are no longer important in global governance, rather it argues that MNCs are important to the current structure of the global order. Its central research question seeks to explore how multinational corporations can be incorporated into the IR discipline. It looks at constructivism as the appropriate theoretical tool to do so. Although it seeks to add to the constructivist school of thought, it also critiques previous constructivist literature for not having done so already. These criticisms are two-fold: constructivists have failed to 1) analyze the MNC in terms of identities, interest, and power; and 2) analyzing contemporary international relations from a standpoint that is too theoretical to fully observe the realities of international relations in practice.Show less
EU enlargement is a complex and lengthy process that grants membership to candidate countries that meet the required criteria. The event of the veto, that rejected North Macedonia and Albania to...Show moreEU enlargement is a complex and lengthy process that grants membership to candidate countries that meet the required criteria. The event of the veto, that rejected North Macedonia and Albania to accession negotiates, temporarily ceased the enlargement process and underlined certain systematic deficiencies. The veto was initiated by French President Emmanuel Macron under the justification that Albania had not satisfied certain requirements to be suitable for accession talks as the state lacked a certain degree of economic stability. Various countries reacted differently to Macron’s decision. The Netherlands and Denmark showed support whereas Serbia, a current candidate country, reacted in a different manner. Serbia’s attitude towards the EU significantly changed as there was an underlying presence of hostility. Before the veto, there was a high level of EU-Serbia cooperation. Serbia was taking certain initiatives to demonstrate commitment by opening new chapters and collaborating with different EU leading politicians to discuss enlargement. Whereas after, there was less support for the EU and an increase in cooperation with actors that are not in favour of the EU, such as with Russia, Turkey and China. This paper examines the Serbia-EU relationship by analyzing the responses Serbia conducted before and after the veto. By using qualitative research methods, it identifies and analyzes the significant events during the time period of interest and applies different theoretical frameworks to further provide an explanation for the established responses. The theories applied were different theoretical frameworks to enlargement and theories relevant to Serbian enlargement politics. This research bases its evidence from various news articles and investigates the political activity conducted by Serbia in the form of public statements and political decision making. The research demonstrates that the responses were a product of Serbia not having effectively internalized the EU fundamental principles, thus preventing Serbia from progressing on its path towards the EU. The event of the veto damaged the EU’s credibility and established that the possibilities of future EU enlargement have significantly decreased. Therefore, for Serbia, an implementation of unfavorable liberal principles within their state is considered as unnecessary since the guarantee of membership is perceived as uncertain.Show less
The research question is to what extent are international relations theories able to explain the foreign policy of Oman between 1970 and 2020? To answer the main research puzzle and the questions...Show moreThe research question is to what extent are international relations theories able to explain the foreign policy of Oman between 1970 and 2020? To answer the main research puzzle and the questions consists of three steps. First, at the outset of the study, the thesis defines the conceptual basis of small states and to choose and apply an appropriate definition. With this step, the reader will know when the chosen state can be considered small, and which actors in a particular region / globally can be included in this category. The second step considers the determinants of the small states’ foreign policy, including geography, the characteristics of the international political and economic system, the conditions of statehood, internal institutions and norms, and the identities and national interests that society and leadership have. This provides a sound basis for the third stage of the analysis, where the chapter aims to compare the practical applicability of theoretical schools and the role of intangible resources through a case study and to draw attention to the importance of flexible use of theoretical frameworks.Show less
The use of excessive force by police officers and how the police organisations deal with political demonstrations has been widely debated. With a recent renewed interest in police militarisation,...Show moreThe use of excessive force by police officers and how the police organisations deal with political demonstrations has been widely debated. With a recent renewed interest in police militarisation, this research presents a case study of the British and French police organisations and how they have evolved to deal with political demonstrations. By creating a theoretical framework around the role of culture in police organisations, an analysis of the organisational culture of these police organisations and how they respond to political demonstrations was examined. The case study focuses on a constructivist approach to how the traditions and identities were created from the evolution of what are the modern police forces in the UK and France. This approach also analysed how these police organisations dealt with threats such as terrorism and public disorder and what norms and values were created from this. The case study examines two of the major events in the UK and France. The G20 Summit protests in London in 2009 and the 2018 Yellow Vest Movement in France. The police organisation and response to these events was examined through the identities, norms and values that have been created in the British and French police forces. These identities, norms and values continue to shape the police response to political demonstration and the public view the role of the police and the overall debate on police militarisation.Show less
This thesis examines North Macedonia’s response to the European Council’s decision of rejecting the opening of accession negotiations, resulting from a veto by French President Emmanuel Macron in...Show moreThis thesis examines North Macedonia’s response to the European Council’s decision of rejecting the opening of accession negotiations, resulting from a veto by French President Emmanuel Macron in October 2019. North Macedonia is considered to be a pioneer in complying with the EU’s conditionality framework since 2001 and has received the European Commission’s positive recommendations to open the accession negotiations in 2009 and 2019. Although the EU’s incentive-based conditionality strategy is considered to be effective in academia, a scenario whereby a candidate country has adopted the EU conditions and was nevertheless rejected by the European Council has not been analysed yet. Consequently, this thesis is based on qualitative primary and secondary data, in which interviews played the essential sources of information. Rationalist and constructivist theories in EU conditionality studies play the fundamental basis as explanatory behavioural models in this research. The results of this research reveal that North Macedonia has not been discouraged by the French veto and eventually implemented final provisions of the EU integration process. On 24 March 2020, North Macedonia received the green light to the start of the accession talks.Show less
This thesis argues that within the #EUandME campaign the construction of a ‘European identity’ is grounded upon a bottom-up strategy emphasizing practical shared interests which are founded upon...Show moreThis thesis argues that within the #EUandME campaign the construction of a ‘European identity’ is grounded upon a bottom-up strategy emphasizing practical shared interests which are founded upon shared values. This is in contrast with the popular approach to European identity that focusses on solely shared values. In doing so an analysis will be made of concepts such as social constructivism, identity and constitutional patriotism. Next to this theoretical approach empirical data will be included based on a closer look of the #EUandME young film makers campaign, and how these concepts relate to the identity construction advanced in this campaign.Show less
This thesis explores the link between military education, nation-building, nationalism, and national identity in the Philippines by using an ethnosymbolic and constructivist approach. It focuses on...Show moreThis thesis explores the link between military education, nation-building, nationalism, and national identity in the Philippines by using an ethnosymbolic and constructivist approach. It focuses on the implementation of a mandatory Reserve Officers’ Training Corps (ROTC) program in all senior high schools in the Philippines, which is formulated in Senate Bill 2232 and is highly probable to be accepted by the Senate. The government links the military education program to instilling national values, patriotism and love of country within the youth. By conducting a case study of Manila, reviewing literature from the fields of identity, military, and nation-building studies, as well as by comparing the Filipino ROTC program to military education programs for high school students in the United States and Turkey, this thesis makes suggestions about the role of the ROTC as a nation-builder and its potential influences on nationalism and the formation of a national identity.Show less
A research on the strategic culture and transatlantic security policies in first decade post-9/11. This thesis tries to answer the question to what extent the change in strategic culture and the...Show moreA research on the strategic culture and transatlantic security policies in first decade post-9/11. This thesis tries to answer the question to what extent the change in strategic culture and the resulting security policies of the EU and the US changed between 2002 and 2010; and how this shaped the transatlantic relationship in the post 9/11 era. The thesis concludes that there was a change in the strategic culture of the United States due to the external-shock caused by the 9/11 attacks on American soil; this shock was not experienced in the European Union. Hence, the security policies of the two powers on both sides of the Atlantic were not in line with one another in the period following 9/11. A decade later, the strategic culture of the United States shifted towards that of the European Union.Show less
This thesis examines how British prime ministers have de-Europeanized the national identity through their discourse before and after the Brexit referendum – or in other words – how they turned away...Show moreThis thesis examines how British prime ministers have de-Europeanized the national identity through their discourse before and after the Brexit referendum – or in other words – how they turned away from the EU by using language. The research is conducted through a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of 25 speeches and statements by David Cameron and Theresa May. The timeframe begins when Cameron promised a referendum on EU membership in January 2013, and ends in October 2017, more than a year after the yes-vote. The analysis reveals that British discourse on common security threats was not gradually de-Europeanized, but internationalised by May by constructing the UK as ‘Global Britain’. Language on migrants from the EU to the UK was already de-Europeanized before the Brexit referendum, and did not change significantly after the referendum. In fact, it gradually normalised after Cameron’s General Election victory in 2015. This study also reveals that both prime ministers could ‘cherry pick’ identities, meaning that they could choose between constructing a national, European, or even global identity to their liking per policy area.Show less
The argument presented in this thesis is that constructivist theory offers a useful tool to interpret the effect that CW use has on the international community. It is the social identities and the...Show moreThe argument presented in this thesis is that constructivist theory offers a useful tool to interpret the effect that CW use has on the international community. It is the social identities and the strong prohibitive norm when it comes to the use of CW that construes a reality in which narratives of justification are produced when it comes to the use of force. This moral reality cannot be explained solely rationally, but has roots in decades of social interaction, which makes that violations of norms concerning CWs are put higher on the international agenda than other violations. The relevance of this study lies in the reflection on constructivism as a theoretical tool, but also in its aim to contribute to a broader understanding of how certain types of harm raise more attention in international politics: what causes the international community to be concerned about norm violation? As obvious as the answer of ‘inhumane practices’ seems, it is just a small percentage of suffering that becomes an international concern. The following puzzle has led to the research question: how can we explain the international community’s particular concern about violations of the norm on the prohibition of chemical weapons by using constructivist theory?Show less
