Academics have generally overlooked how NGOs use and produce knowledge to influence policymaking, or have acknowledged it but have not assessed it using the concept of epistemic communities....Show moreAcademics have generally overlooked how NGOs use and produce knowledge to influence policymaking, or have acknowledged it but have not assessed it using the concept of epistemic communities. However, knowledge can also be a powerful tool in the hands of NGOs. Indeed, this study demonstrates that NGOs are more than just advocacy actors; like epistemic communities, they influence politicians’perceptions and actions with their knowledge. To determine this, I have closely examined the role of knowledge in three NGOs bases in Brussels: Ciré, CNCD11.11.11 and Plate-Forme Mineurs en Exil, and interviewed one employee from each organisation. I then compared my findings to expectations of how NGOs would use and produce knowledge to influence policymaking, and determined that they matched the characteristics of epistemic communities. Nevertheless, this research is based on interviews and looked at specific cases. To generalise my conclusions, further research would have to be done.Show less
A review of the literature on the Russo-Iranian relationship identifies a widening mismatch between expectations and reality. Scholarly expectations highlight a propensity of conflict, based upon...Show moreA review of the literature on the Russo-Iranian relationship identifies a widening mismatch between expectations and reality. Scholarly expectations highlight a propensity of conflict, based upon traditional security considerations resulting in a definition of the Russo-Iranian relationship that is instrumental, limited, and asymmetric – an ‘axis of convenience’. However, the last decade reveals that both Russia and Iran have been able to consolidate their bilateral security ties despite apparent clashes and historical mistrust. Contributing to constructivist scholarship, this thesis engages with international recognition to gain insight into the ideational and normative underpinnings of the Russo-Iranian partnership, in order to provide a new take upon the question why, and to what extent, the partnership does work – instead of why it does not, or will not, work. A constructivist analysis of international recognition and misrecognition has been conducted to answer this thesis’ main research question: What are the ideational underpinnings driving the Russo-Iranian security congruence? The findings in this thesis provide a balanced and contextualized account of both powers’ foreign policies and give greater attention to the forces of congruence shaping the Russo-Iranian partnership in the Middle East and beyond.Show less
This thesis will argue that to remain relevant within scholarship, IR scholars should recognize, as Nye and Strange have, that MNCs are powerful actors that influence the states they operate in,...Show moreThis thesis will argue that to remain relevant within scholarship, IR scholars should recognize, as Nye and Strange have, that MNCs are powerful actors that influence the states they operate in, the global political economy, and the norms and values the international system is based on. This point is fundamental to the study of IR so long as IR claims to explore power dynamics and the influences behind state-to-state interaction. This thesis does not claim that multinationals ought to be included in the study of IR on the grounds that they supersede the state or that states are no longer important in global governance, rather it argues that MNCs are important to the current structure of the global order. Its central research question seeks to explore how multinational corporations can be incorporated into the IR discipline. It looks at constructivism as the appropriate theoretical tool to do so. Although it seeks to add to the constructivist school of thought, it also critiques previous constructivist literature for not having done so already. These criticisms are two-fold: constructivists have failed to 1) analyze the MNC in terms of identities, interest, and power; and 2) analyzing contemporary international relations from a standpoint that is too theoretical to fully observe the realities of international relations in practice.Show less
EU enlargement is a complex and lengthy process that grants membership to candidate countries that meet the required criteria. The event of the veto, that rejected North Macedonia and Albania to...Show moreEU enlargement is a complex and lengthy process that grants membership to candidate countries that meet the required criteria. The event of the veto, that rejected North Macedonia and Albania to accession negotiates, temporarily ceased the enlargement process and underlined certain systematic deficiencies. The veto was initiated by French President Emmanuel Macron under the justification that Albania had not satisfied certain requirements to be suitable for accession talks as the state lacked a certain degree of economic stability. Various countries reacted differently to Macron’s decision. The Netherlands and Denmark showed support whereas Serbia, a current candidate country, reacted in a different manner. Serbia’s attitude towards the EU significantly changed as there was an underlying presence of hostility. Before the veto, there was a high level of EU-Serbia cooperation. Serbia was taking certain initiatives to demonstrate commitment by opening new chapters and collaborating with different EU leading politicians to discuss enlargement. Whereas after, there was less support for the EU and an increase in cooperation with actors that are not in favour of the EU, such as with Russia, Turkey and China. This paper examines the Serbia-EU relationship by analyzing the responses Serbia conducted before and after the veto. By using qualitative research methods, it identifies and analyzes the significant events during the time period of interest and applies different theoretical frameworks to further provide an explanation for the established responses. The theories applied were different theoretical frameworks to enlargement and theories relevant to Serbian enlargement politics. This research bases its evidence from various news articles and investigates the political activity conducted by Serbia in the form of public statements and political decision making. The research demonstrates that the responses were a product of Serbia not having effectively internalized the EU fundamental principles, thus preventing Serbia from progressing on its path towards the EU. The event of the veto damaged the EU’s credibility and established that the possibilities of future EU enlargement have significantly decreased. Therefore, for Serbia, an implementation of unfavorable liberal principles within their state is considered as unnecessary since the guarantee of membership is perceived as uncertain.Show less
The research question is to what extent are international relations theories able to explain the foreign policy of Oman between 1970 and 2020? To answer the main research puzzle and the questions...Show moreThe research question is to what extent are international relations theories able to explain the foreign policy of Oman between 1970 and 2020? To answer the main research puzzle and the questions consists of three steps. First, at the outset of the study, the thesis defines the conceptual basis of small states and to choose and apply an appropriate definition. With this step, the reader will know when the chosen state can be considered small, and which actors in a particular region / globally can be included in this category. The second step considers the determinants of the small states’ foreign policy, including geography, the characteristics of the international political and economic system, the conditions of statehood, internal institutions and norms, and the identities and national interests that society and leadership have. This provides a sound basis for the third stage of the analysis, where the chapter aims to compare the practical applicability of theoretical schools and the role of intangible resources through a case study and to draw attention to the importance of flexible use of theoretical frameworks.Show less
The use of excessive force by police officers and how the police organisations deal with political demonstrations has been widely debated. With a recent renewed interest in police militarisation,...Show moreThe use of excessive force by police officers and how the police organisations deal with political demonstrations has been widely debated. With a recent renewed interest in police militarisation, this research presents a case study of the British and French police organisations and how they have evolved to deal with political demonstrations. By creating a theoretical framework around the role of culture in police organisations, an analysis of the organisational culture of these police organisations and how they respond to political demonstrations was examined. The case study focuses on a constructivist approach to how the traditions and identities were created from the evolution of what are the modern police forces in the UK and France. This approach also analysed how these police organisations dealt with threats such as terrorism and public disorder and what norms and values were created from this. The case study examines two of the major events in the UK and France. The G20 Summit protests in London in 2009 and the 2018 Yellow Vest Movement in France. The police organisation and response to these events was examined through the identities, norms and values that have been created in the British and French police forces. These identities, norms and values continue to shape the police response to political demonstration and the public view the role of the police and the overall debate on police militarisation.Show less
This thesis explores the link between military education, nation-building, nationalism, and national identity in the Philippines by using an ethnosymbolic and constructivist approach. It focuses on...Show moreThis thesis explores the link between military education, nation-building, nationalism, and national identity in the Philippines by using an ethnosymbolic and constructivist approach. It focuses on the implementation of a mandatory Reserve Officers’ Training Corps (ROTC) program in all senior high schools in the Philippines, which is formulated in Senate Bill 2232 and is highly probable to be accepted by the Senate. The government links the military education program to instilling national values, patriotism and love of country within the youth. By conducting a case study of Manila, reviewing literature from the fields of identity, military, and nation-building studies, as well as by comparing the Filipino ROTC program to military education programs for high school students in the United States and Turkey, this thesis makes suggestions about the role of the ROTC as a nation-builder and its potential influences on nationalism and the formation of a national identity.Show less
A research on the strategic culture and transatlantic security policies in first decade post-9/11. This thesis tries to answer the question to what extent the change in strategic culture and the...Show moreA research on the strategic culture and transatlantic security policies in first decade post-9/11. This thesis tries to answer the question to what extent the change in strategic culture and the resulting security policies of the EU and the US changed between 2002 and 2010; and how this shaped the transatlantic relationship in the post 9/11 era. The thesis concludes that there was a change in the strategic culture of the United States due to the external-shock caused by the 9/11 attacks on American soil; this shock was not experienced in the European Union. Hence, the security policies of the two powers on both sides of the Atlantic were not in line with one another in the period following 9/11. A decade later, the strategic culture of the United States shifted towards that of the European Union.Show less
This thesis examines how British prime ministers have de-Europeanized the national identity through their discourse before and after the Brexit referendum – or in other words – how they turned away...Show moreThis thesis examines how British prime ministers have de-Europeanized the national identity through their discourse before and after the Brexit referendum – or in other words – how they turned away from the EU by using language. The research is conducted through a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of 25 speeches and statements by David Cameron and Theresa May. The timeframe begins when Cameron promised a referendum on EU membership in January 2013, and ends in October 2017, more than a year after the yes-vote. The analysis reveals that British discourse on common security threats was not gradually de-Europeanized, but internationalised by May by constructing the UK as ‘Global Britain’. Language on migrants from the EU to the UK was already de-Europeanized before the Brexit referendum, and did not change significantly after the referendum. In fact, it gradually normalised after Cameron’s General Election victory in 2015. This study also reveals that both prime ministers could ‘cherry pick’ identities, meaning that they could choose between constructing a national, European, or even global identity to their liking per policy area.Show less
The argument presented in this thesis is that constructivist theory offers a useful tool to interpret the effect that CW use has on the international community. It is the social identities and the...Show moreThe argument presented in this thesis is that constructivist theory offers a useful tool to interpret the effect that CW use has on the international community. It is the social identities and the strong prohibitive norm when it comes to the use of CW that construes a reality in which narratives of justification are produced when it comes to the use of force. This moral reality cannot be explained solely rationally, but has roots in decades of social interaction, which makes that violations of norms concerning CWs are put higher on the international agenda than other violations. The relevance of this study lies in the reflection on constructivism as a theoretical tool, but also in its aim to contribute to a broader understanding of how certain types of harm raise more attention in international politics: what causes the international community to be concerned about norm violation? As obvious as the answer of ‘inhumane practices’ seems, it is just a small percentage of suffering that becomes an international concern. The following puzzle has led to the research question: how can we explain the international community’s particular concern about violations of the norm on the prohibition of chemical weapons by using constructivist theory?Show less
The thesis seeks to provide an explanation regarding the decision of the European Union to impose economic sanctions against the Russian Federation, after the latter’s involvement in Ukraine with...Show moreThe thesis seeks to provide an explanation regarding the decision of the European Union to impose economic sanctions against the Russian Federation, after the latter’s involvement in Ukraine with the annexation of Crimea, by using a constructivist approach. The argument of this thesis for the constructivist interpretation of EU sanctions against Russia lies on the notions of EU Identity and EU Shared Values. The analysis of the purpose of the sanctions, their relation with the international legal order and the decision making process leading to their adoption, results in an interpretation that can be satisfactory under the constructivist approach. This approach is useful in order to explain EU’s imposition of economic sanctions against the Russian Federation as part of its broader foreign policy. Furthermore, by employing the method of Congruence Analysis the thesis draws inferences between normative predictions deriving from the given theory and empirical observations. Moreover, the argument of this thesis concludes that the special character of the EU, the notions of its Identity and Shared Values affected its collective decision to impose economic sanctions. Ultimately, the thesis renders the European Union to fit the constructivist assertions regarding the functions of the international system.Show less
This thesis intervenes within the current debate between both norm- and relational constructivist schools with regard to the maintenance and contestation of a state’s ‘identity.’ As to move past...Show moreThis thesis intervenes within the current debate between both norm- and relational constructivist schools with regard to the maintenance and contestation of a state’s ‘identity.’ As to move past the exaggerated efficacy that norm- and relational scholars attribute to material and discursive factors respectively, this thesis instead argues – in accord with Critical Discourse Analytical insights – that both the material and discursive exist within a dialectic. Through arguing that the material and discursive internalize one another without being reducible to either factor, it becomes possible to gain a more nuanced understanding of how both material and discursive influence the maintenance and contestation of a state’s identity. To this end the thesis poses the question of: what discursive strategies did Abe Shinzō utilize as to overcome the restraints imposed by Japan’s ‘peace-loving’ state identity as to effect the remilitarization of Japan? This question is subsequently operationalized through a critical engagement with IR identity theory, Antonio Gramsci’s Political theory, and Critical Discourse Analysis’s insights into the realm of discourse. This allows for an enquiry into how Abe Shinzō utilized both discursive and material means as to overcome Japan’s current anti-militarist state identity.Show less
Due to the increasing security issues recently developed in and outside the EU a common transnational answer to these issues is needed. In June 2016 an answer was provided in the form of the...Show moreDue to the increasing security issues recently developed in and outside the EU a common transnational answer to these issues is needed. In June 2016 an answer was provided in the form of the European Global Strategy but is this the real answer for European collaboration in security? Is any real common EU strategy even possible without a common strategic culture that provides the context wherein policy choices are made? This thesis topic has relevance within the scientific debate around the possibility of an EU that serves as a security provider, particularly in the current era characterized by (home grown) terrorism, destabilized neighbouring regions and rising populism. This thesis researches the evaluation (if any) of a European strategic culture by the analysis of the main strategic EU documents, namely the European Security Strategy (ESS), the European Global Strategy (EUGS) and its related key policy documents. These documents lay out the plans for EU security and defence collaboration but do they incite the formation of a strategic culture? The presented strategic documents are researched and compared using document analysis on the basis of Biava, Herd and Drent’s provided Strategic Culture analytical framework. This document analysis will help to place the conducted expert interviews (n=9) that sketch the drafting process of the ESS and EUGS in perspective. These interviews are conducted with in particular Dutch experts in the field divided through two main branches: Policy Making (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Defence, EU) and Think Thank.Show less
According to the rational choice theory acting cooperative in collective goods problems is not rational because the benefits of cooperating do not outweigh the costs. The fact that some countries...Show moreAccording to the rational choice theory acting cooperative in collective goods problems is not rational because the benefits of cooperating do not outweigh the costs. The fact that some countries do cooperate in international collective goods problems means that something must be missing from traditional rational choice models. IR theorists have tried to explain how it is possible that some countries do cooperate in collective goods problems while others do not.This research examines oil wealth as an explanation for non cooperative behavior in collective goods problems. This explanation is derived from the realist school of thought. The results of this research show that in two different cases oil wealth is negatively related to cooperative behavior in collective goods problems. Also other explanations from realist, liberalist and constructivist theories have been tested and compared to understand the importance of any of these explanations when explaining state behavior in collective goods problems.Show less
This thesis is inspired by the will to understand why the international community stands by while mass atrocities are committed by the Syrian government. My research question ‘Why does the...Show moreThis thesis is inspired by the will to understand why the international community stands by while mass atrocities are committed by the Syrian government. My research question ‘Why does the international community not intervene in the humanitarian crisis in Syria?’ forms the premise for this thesis. My main argument is that because of the non-consensus within the international community about R2P as a norm, there is a lack of political will to intervene in the situation in Syria. Furthermore, I argue that this lack of consensus is caused by the protection of the national interests of the states involved, especially the security of their sovereignty. These arguments are substantiated by the acceptance of my hypotheses which are based on the core assumptions of realism, liberalism, and constructivism. These hypotheses show that the protection of sovereignty, the lack of a common interest, and the non-consensus about R2P are crucial aspects in the decision not to intervene in the humanitarian crisis in Syria.Show less
