Directly or indirectly, diplomacy affects us all, it is thus important to have diverse representation. However, this is not an easy feat. This research focuses on the reasons for the low percentage...Show moreDirectly or indirectly, diplomacy affects us all, it is thus important to have diverse representation. However, this is not an easy feat. This research focuses on the reasons for the low percentage of women in senior diplomacy compared to the number of women in the field altogether. This was researched by conducting a case study in the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, where 12 employees were interviewed. A literature review combined with in-depth interviewing showed three main obstacles that prevent equal representation in senior diplomacy. Diplomacy is still associated with men, who are associated with having hard skills. Women are associated with soft skills and thus less likely to be seen as suitable candidates for leadership. Moreover, women carry out gender specific actions that add pressure on top of their work, which can increase the likelihood of women leaving the field. Gender specific actions are related to dealing with misidentification, undervaluation, and the lack of access to old-boys’ networks. Networking is essential in promotion rounds and as women are often kept out of these circles, levelling up becomes a challenge. In addition, the career of a women can differ from that of a man, around which diplomacy is structured, due to part time work related to family responsibilities or due to maternity leave. This takes a gap out of a woman’s career path and can make it difficult for women to catch up to men and reach the senior levels. Based on the findings, research must be done to combat these challenges to create equal opportunities for women in diplomacy to reach the diplomatic top and break the glass ceiling.Show less
In light of WTO trade rules that made it impossible for the EU to uphold its trade preference system with many least developed countries, among which are several (former) colonies of EU Member...Show moreIn light of WTO trade rules that made it impossible for the EU to uphold its trade preference system with many least developed countries, among which are several (former) colonies of EU Member States, the EU developed the ‘Everything But Arms’ trade preference program, unilaterally liberalizing trade with these countries. Currently, there are two criteria to benefit from the EBA scheme. Firstly, the country must be listed as a 'Least Developed Country' by the UN Committee for Development Policy, and secondly, these preferences can be withdrawn if the respective country ceases to adhere to fundamental human rights and certain labor rights. In light of Myanmar's violence against the Rohingya people in Rakhine State described by the UN as 'a textbook definition of ethnic cleansing,' the question over what factors determine the EU’s decision to keep Myanmar in the EBA program arise. This thesis unveils processes in the Council that led to adopting this particular foreign policy decision by systematically analyzing insights from EU policy documents and by interviewing EU representatives, answering the question as to why the EU chose to keep Myanmar in the EBA program.Show less
British interests in the Middle East have consistently been upheld through diplomatic means. Originally colonial, expansionist and imperial in manner, contemporary diplomatic interests in the...Show moreBritish interests in the Middle East have consistently been upheld through diplomatic means. Originally colonial, expansionist and imperial in manner, contemporary diplomatic interests in the region are labelled as bilateral, and moving away from the traditionally colonial, imperial and Orientalist discourse first established with British interest in the region. This thesis examines British diplomatic attitudes towards the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, investigating the language from the mid-twentieth century to the early twenty-first in order to highlight and explain the subtleties of colonial and Orientalist mentality still noticeable in contemporary British diplomacy towards the country, and indeed, reflective of the wider MENA region. Show less
In 1996, the Ottawa Declaration established the Arctic Council (AC) with eight states, all of which have territory in the Arctic. The AC is the leading intergovernmental forum in terms of...Show moreIn 1996, the Ottawa Declaration established the Arctic Council (AC) with eight states, all of which have territory in the Arctic. The AC is the leading intergovernmental forum in terms of sustainable development and environmental protection in the Arctic. This forum promotes cooperation, coordination, and interaction among the Arctic States and among Arctic indigenous communities. The Netherlands became an Observer in 1998, whereas China joined the AC in 2013. Both states are concerned about the impact of climate change in the Arctic region and the different kinds of consequences it may have for their state. Both states contribute to the AC with scientific knowledge, and they participate in several Working Groups. Critical discourse analysis (CDA) helps explore and understand the meaning of the role of the Netherlands and China as Observers, leading to an answer to how both states use science diplomacy (SD) as a strategic tool and potentially revealing hidden agendas in terms of the nature of their economic interest. Although CDA did not unfold hidden agendas of both states, what can be said is that probably both states are using SD as a strategic tool to shift attention away from their own (economic) incentives.Show less
Honduras, as part of the Central American Integration System, trades with the European Union. In return, the European Union uses its normative power to promote and secure human rights in Honduras....Show moreHonduras, as part of the Central American Integration System, trades with the European Union. In return, the European Union uses its normative power to promote and secure human rights in Honduras. The emergence of China, as an alternative trade partner, puts a strain on the responsiveness of Honduras to EU conditionality.Show less
Korean unification is a concept that seems impractical and unwanted by the Republic of Korea. Yet the government continues to purport its desire for it, primarily romanticising a reunited Korean...Show moreKorean unification is a concept that seems impractical and unwanted by the Republic of Korea. Yet the government continues to purport its desire for it, primarily romanticising a reunited Korean bloodline. This project analyses the reasons and causes for this continued use of ethnic nationalism and explore how it shapes the very meaning of unification. Primarily, it is a speech act incorporated into the larger foreign policy of the Republic of Korea, mobilised for self-promotion and achieving its own interests.Show less
This thesis studies India's diplomatic relations with its western neighbours- namely- Pakistan and Afghanistan. In the context of increasing threats to its domestic and regional security, India has...Show moreThis thesis studies India's diplomatic relations with its western neighbours- namely- Pakistan and Afghanistan. In the context of increasing threats to its domestic and regional security, India has adopted a "soft power" approach in achieving its strategic interests. Through qualitative case selection, this thesis dwells into India's diplomatic approach especially through the study of water diplomacy in the case of Pakistan and public diplomacy in the case of Afghanistan. In this context, this thesis associate security concerns of the three countries with their national interests, particularly focusing on India. The underlying conclusion of this thesis is that while a hard power approach or use of coercion may serve as a base to further "soft power" approach, India needs to maintain a delicate balance between the two approaches for achieving regional stability and ensuring national security.Show less
