Populist leaders seem to rely on misinformation, fake news, and conspiracies to expand their power and keep their followers engaged and drown out condemnation from any opponents (Bergman, 2020;...Show morePopulist leaders seem to rely on misinformation, fake news, and conspiracies to expand their power and keep their followers engaged and drown out condemnation from any opponents (Bergman, 2020; Tucker et al 2017). There has been an established relationship between populism and conspiracies, but the literature is still learning exactly in which ways conspiracy theories are used by populist (Taggart, 2018). This thesis conducts a discourse analysis of two controversial American politics to determine in which ways they use conspiracies. It shows populists will utilize conspiracies if they have a disparaging relationship with nonpartisan experts. Once they decide to use conspiracies, they are able to do so to explain why ‘the people’ are not a majority, yet their will should still be considered absolute. And lastly, they are able to limit the amount of information sources they advocate to their followers, potentially isolating voters from truth or criticism.Show less
Sports events are increasingly held in countries without a significant sports tradition and a questionable human rights track record. This ‘sportswashing’ enables regimes to show their soft side...Show moreSports events are increasingly held in countries without a significant sports tradition and a questionable human rights track record. This ‘sportswashing’ enables regimes to show their soft side and improve their image. Recently, it led to a countermovement in which domestic and international calls for boycotts are heard more frequently. This thesis examines the motives of athletes, civil actors, international sporting organisations, international organisations and countries behind these calls. Political scientists often use Doxey’s approach to find the underlying rationale for boycotts. She describes eight different motives to call for a boycott. Only a limited number of scholars have studied sports boycotts in general since they mainly focus on a specific case and link this to a general theory (inductive reasoning). Studying the motives behind a call for a boycott deductively by applying Doxey’s model has not been done before. The study modifies economic models by differentiating six possible motives to call for a boycott, namely punishment, destabilisation, solidarity, symbolism, delegitimisation and signalling. All cases are studied via a discourse analysis in which the language of articles comes from six English-speaking news platforms with a global reach is checked for keywords and context. This thesis finds that although there is no single motive for all boycotts, ‘easy’ boycotts without a political layer are likely to be driven by policy change or punishment, whereas more political boycotts are in most cases motivated by solidarity and delegitimising. However, sports boycotts have an intermediate effect and are therefore very effective as a response to unexpected events.Show less
Donald Trump has frequently been labelled an idiosyncratic aberration and has equally been accused of breaking with American foreign policy tradition. However, by applying the foreign policy...Show moreDonald Trump has frequently been labelled an idiosyncratic aberration and has equally been accused of breaking with American foreign policy tradition. However, by applying the foreign policy traditions uncovered by Mead (Wilsonianism, Hamiltonianism, Jeffersonianism and Jacksonianism), scholars began arguing that Trump was perfectly traditional because he adhered to one or more of these historic traditions. Simultaneously, scholars argued that Trump rejected the myth of American exceptionalism that informs said traditions. This begs the question of how one can be traditional, yet also reject their foundational myth. Scholars had failed to consider these two facets in tandem, and had only focussed on Trump’s campaign and early presidency therefore failing to provide a prudent analysis of Trump’s entire foreign policy. This thesis aimed to rectified both by asking the following question: how has Trump’s re-interpretation of American exceptionalism influenced the utilisation of the dominant traditions in American foreign policy in his foreign policy discourse? Through the use of a critical geopolitical analysis, it was uncovered that Trump redefined American exceptionalism to an conditional state of objective greatness that only he could achieve and maintain, rather than an inherent trait. This allowed him to argue that his predecessors had made America unexceptional, stirring feelings of betrayal that he could then mobilise for his own political gain. This demagogic ‘exceptional me 2.0’ strategy shaped his application of all the four traditions wherein he blames Wilsonianism for American decline and aims to rally disappointed Hamiltonians, Jeffersonians and Jacksonians against them in order to effectuate a great reset of American foreign policy and domestic politics.Show less
With the adoption of the European Union Global Strategy in 2016 the EU renewed its quest for attaining strategic autonomy. However, the EU document did not specify what would constitute European...Show moreWith the adoption of the European Union Global Strategy in 2016 the EU renewed its quest for attaining strategic autonomy. However, the EU document did not specify what would constitute European strategic autonomy (ESA), so, as is the case with the EU’s external policies, the national perspectives of Member States are its obvious basis. Historically, the Netherlands has been an obstructionist when it came to European security and defence integration due to its Atlanticist position, begging the question: how is European strategic autonomy represented in Dutch politics? To understand the Dutch perspective and positioning regarding ESA, this thesis drew from the field of Critical Geopolitics, conducting an interpretive-explanatory research employing discourse analysis by analysing statements made by party representatives in the Tweede Kamer during the period of 2016-2021. Three distinct schools of thought underpinning the representations of ESA in the Dutch debate. The Sovereigntists are Eurosceptics who present ESA as an attempt to establish a European army and a threat to national sovereignty. The Europeanists actively champion ESA and envision it as an emancipatory project to make the EU able to act independently of the US because it is an increasingly unreliable ally. The Atlanticists present ESA as an opportunity to take responsibility within NATO and improve burden-sharing with the US. This thesis found that the Dutch debate regarding European security policy has substantially Europeanised. While the Atlanticists are still cautious, they no longer take an active obstructionist position, instead adopting Europeanist talking-points from the 90s. Considering this Europeanist momentum, there is potential for the Netherlands to become an active and serious promotor of ambitious European security commitments.Show less
Burgeoning Africa-China relations have sparked considerable debate over the past two decades. Many Western academics, politicians, and journalists now see growing Africa-China relations as a form...Show moreBurgeoning Africa-China relations have sparked considerable debate over the past two decades. Many Western academics, politicians, and journalists now see growing Africa-China relations as a form of Chinese neo-colonialism in Africa that is challenging Western efforts to help the continent develop. It is in this atmosphere of competition that the perspectives of Africans themselves have often been overlooked. This research paper attempts to shed light on these perspectives by analysing how elite political discourse in South Africa, Zambia and Angola perceives growing Africa-China relations, and how this discourse differs from common themes found in Western discourse. The paper combines a macro critical political discourse analysis of elite political discourse with a qualitative comparative analysis of these three case studies, within the timeframe January 2018 – January 2020. The research paper reveals that African political discourse often differs from, and indeed challenges, common themes found in Western discourse. In doing so, this research also contests the ‘universality’ of Western perceptions of both Africa and Africa-China relations. And finally, this research problematises the portrayal of non-Western actors in mainstream IR and highlights the need to listen to these voices from the periphery.Show less
Since the events of 9/11 and the war on terror, there has been a rise in Islamist terrorism and its subcategory of home-grown terrorism, where the perpetrators of terrorist violence are born and...Show moreSince the events of 9/11 and the war on terror, there has been a rise in Islamist terrorism and its subcategory of home-grown terrorism, where the perpetrators of terrorist violence are born and raised in the countries of the attack. The purpose of this thesis is to contribute to the understanding of home-grown terrorism by offering an application of social identity theory to the phenomenon’s relevant identity discourses. To do so, this thesis sets out to deconstruct and analyse the significant identity discourses constructed by British government officials and Islamist terrorist organisations. This thesis identifies a push and pull dynamic between British and Islamist identity discourses where vulnerable British Muslims feel alienated and pushed away from British society’s emphasis on assimilative secular, liberal democratic values and instead find the appeal of the global Muslim community, the ummah, as an inclusionary, unifying sense of identity. Certainly, terrorism and home-grown terrorism are complex phenomena without single explanations, but this thesis puts forwards identity as a complementary explanation for home-grown terrorism as it ties in existing explanations such as historical and political grievances and socioeconomic inequalities. Because identity is often constructed on an exclusionary basis, where an individual must be one or the other and never both, social identity theory’s ideas of social comparison and positive group worth explain the need for terrorists to harm other identities to increase its own identity’s social worth.Show less
Considering the urgency posed by the violent homophobic conduct of Sub-Saharan African states towards males who appear as challenging the socially dominant standards of masculinity and sexuality,...Show moreConsidering the urgency posed by the violent homophobic conduct of Sub-Saharan African states towards males who appear as challenging the socially dominant standards of masculinity and sexuality, this thesis aims to problematize queer violence in the African post-colony. Queer violence is hereby defined as the violence inflicted upon the bodies and lives of citizens of the post-colonial state on the sole ground of their perceived or actual sexuality. Looking into the underexplored case of Nigeria, this thesis asks the following question ‘How has the Nigerian state exercised queer violence?’ Based on a review of the literature, the building blocks of the homophobic discourse (laws, morality, tradition and religion), which legitimize queer violence in the African context, and particularly in Nigeria, are discussed. In order to criticise the persisting violent conduct and unveil how queer violence functions, queer theory is utilised together with Foucault’s notion of biopolitics and Mbembe’s necropolitics. Additionally, a genealogical approach helps analyse the state conduct through its discursive, but also non-discursive/material practices. Through the analysis of the occasion of the arrests and arraignment of 57 men in Lagos, Nigeria from August 2018 through March 2020, for offenses related to same-sex relations and homosexuality, it is observed that the Nigerian state has exercised queer violence by disguising its necropolitical conduct in biopolitical terms. It has been further observed that queer violence is performed indiscriminately, endangering especially the male population.Show less
This thesis investigates the presence of biopolitical discourse, based on Foucault's concept of biopolitics, in the Dutch debate surrounding the new intelligence services law (Wiv 2017). This...Show moreThis thesis investigates the presence of biopolitical discourse, based on Foucault's concept of biopolitics, in the Dutch debate surrounding the new intelligence services law (Wiv 2017). This thesis argues that governmental political parties justify the implementation of the Wiv by referring to international threats and the necessity to tackle these threats by measures that invade the privacy of individual citizens.Show less
In the run up to the 2018 general elections in Cambodia, prime minister Hun Sen increasingly controlled the media in the country. Additionally, Hun Sen becomes increasingly dependent on China for...Show moreIn the run up to the 2018 general elections in Cambodia, prime minister Hun Sen increasingly controlled the media in the country. Additionally, Hun Sen becomes increasingly dependent on China for financial aid. On the one hand, Chinese influence is associated with economic development in the country. On the other hand, this influence is associated with violations of human rights and sustainable negligence. Therefore, this paper answers the question, ‘’why do English-language Cambodian newspapers differ in expressing their views towards the Sino-Cambodian relationship?’’. As such, this paper demonstrates the interplay between the Cambodian political economy, media ownership and the portrayal of the Sino-Cambodian relationship in English-language Cambodian newspapers. This paper examines articles from three different newspapers and deploys a discourse analysis as a tool for understanding. Linking the findings to the context, this study demonstrates how a critical tone and a lack of emphasis on Cambodian reciprocity in the Sino-Cambodian relationship can affect ownership of a newspaper and how this has consequences for the portrayal of the Sino-Cambodian relationship in the articles published.Show less
As Chinese domestic tourism to Tibet continues to grow, understanding the mechanisms and ‘effects’ of such ethnic tourism becomes increasingly important. The historical story of the marriage...Show moreAs Chinese domestic tourism to Tibet continues to grow, understanding the mechanisms and ‘effects’ of such ethnic tourism becomes increasingly important. The historical story of the marriage between the Chinese princess Wencheng and the Tibetan king Songtsen Gampo is commonly known in China and employed by the Chinese government to legitimize their modern rule over Tibet. This study uses Critical Discourse Analysis to research a theater play of this story, and the presence of this story in Tibet’s many tourist sites. The results of the analysis reveal a process that shows how state-directed stories could become commonly regarded as ‘true’, with tourism as the primary vehicle to advance such a process. I argue that such a process can be found in other cases as well, and is not unique to the story of princess Wencheng.Show less
The paper examines the discourse used by the VOC to describe the Shimabara Rebellion 1637-1638 (a rebellion with socio-economic reasons and strong Christian influences) and its own encounter with...Show moreThe paper examines the discourse used by the VOC to describe the Shimabara Rebellion 1637-1638 (a rebellion with socio-economic reasons and strong Christian influences) and its own encounter with Asian Christians during the Rebellion. The paper makes use of the Dagregisters of Hirado as primary sources to examine the changes in the used discourse. The paper shows that the changes in the discourse created a narrative that was best suited for the situation. The changes also show the difficulty the VOC had in positioning itself during the conflict. On the one hand, the Asian Christians were Catholic enemies, but on the other hand they were fellow Christians fighting non-Christians. The most distinct discourse change happened after the VOC offered its assistance in stopping the rebellion. After which the VOC completely removes the Christian element of the rebellion in their texts, while they had first focused on it.Show less
The thesis looks at the concept of 'empowerment' as part of the development discourse and as a potential 'buzzword' that risks loosing meaning. The thesis analysis the interpretation and...Show moreThe thesis looks at the concept of 'empowerment' as part of the development discourse and as a potential 'buzzword' that risks loosing meaning. The thesis analysis the interpretation and implementation of the concept in women NGOs in Peru, making inferences about the incoherence surrounding the conceptualization and use of the notion. It furthermore provides a broad analysis about the evolution of the concept of women’s empowerment at different levels and the performative effect of the discourse as part of the North-South development cooperation in Latin America, especially in the Andes region. The author presents certainly a necessary reflection about the asymmetrical perceptions on social development.Show less
This thesis entitled ‘An Assessment of Climate Footprints through the Activities of Three Women in Yaounde, Cameroon’ sets out to show the (dis)connectedness of climate tools established in and for...Show moreThis thesis entitled ‘An Assessment of Climate Footprints through the Activities of Three Women in Yaounde, Cameroon’ sets out to show the (dis)connectedness of climate tools established in and for the West from local realities in Yaounde, Cameroon. It also aims to prove that the socio-cultural and economic situations of women in local communities are different from those in the West thereby, putting them at crossroads of climate footprint assessment and implementation. Theoretical underpinnings applied in this study indicate the different perspectives on the complex climate change issue, the transformations of climate discourse within given paradigms and the peculiar climate messaging and communication of the World Sustainability Fund (WSF). The three-pronged-methodology: critical discourse analysis, interview and audio/film, observation and photo used to gather data for this thesis aim at assessing the neoliberal individualistic modelling of WSF’s climate footprints and how this works elsewhere. This approach facilitates the communication of both the implicit and explicit experiences of the research/participants as they occur in their real live situations. Results of this study reveal that although climate impact assessment tools such as footprints could be designed with good intensions, they could equally be regarded as dangerous neoliberal power tools that ignore local sociocultural/economic realities elsewhere. The language functions of picture/text and talk around WSF’s climate footprint production rather represent broader sociocultural/political structures as exemplified in the colonial trait of its Sustainable Solutions. This study, conducted at WSF, The Hague and on three women in Yaounde, Cameroon is only a tip of the iceberg. It therefore serves as an opening for more research regarding women as actors in climate issues and the decolonisation of the climate change phenomenon. Key words: Climate change, discourse, footprints, the women, World Sustainability Fund (WSF)Show less
Europe’s internal and external threats – from the negative impacts of the 2008 global financial crisis to the current migratory pressures on its borders, along with its social impact on European...Show moreEurope’s internal and external threats – from the negative impacts of the 2008 global financial crisis to the current migratory pressures on its borders, along with its social impact on European societies and identities, have stimulated European citizens to reject the liberal status quo. The declining levels of trust in politicians, political parties and towards national and European institutions have created space for right-wing populist actors to enter the political arena. In more recent years this has paved the way for far-right political parties and movements led by Marine Le Pen, Matteo Salvini, Viktor Orbán, Heinz-Christian Strache and Alexander Gauland. These populist leaders across the continent have positioned themselves as the main contender to mainstream politics moving from a marginal position to the centre stage. The emergence of populism has shifted the balance of political forces in Europe and left behind a polarised and fragmented party system within the European political landscape. This paper will analyse how populism as a ‘thin’ ideology along with nationalism is articulated by radical-right populist parties within EU member states. The purpose of this study is to assess the growing support for the Dutch Party for Freedom (PVV), The National Rally (RN) in France and the Italian Northern League (LN), in particular with regard to the political discourse they use in the process of gaining electoral votes and bringing to the centre their core values and beliefs. This paper will provide clear examples of how the rise of populism has made it more difficult for a voter to make a distinction amidst the populist appeal and the actual values and target of these political parties and their leaders.Show less
This thesis explores the legal implications of global feminist debates centring radical and liberal feminist stances on Human Trafficking (HT) and prostitution as interrelated phenomena. It...Show moreThis thesis explores the legal implications of global feminist debates centring radical and liberal feminist stances on Human Trafficking (HT) and prostitution as interrelated phenomena. It explores the 2000 Dutch repeal of the brothels ban and the 1999 Swedish prohibition on the purchase of sex services. It posed the question - What are the discourses underlying the two dominant feminist stances on Human Trafficking and its link to prostitution? Do they reveal a similar or a radically opposed logic in their articulation of female subject positions? If so, how? By employing post-structuralist theory of discourse, notions of bio-power, docile bodies, governmentality and others, this paper argues that despite the fierce opposition between radical and liberal feminist standpoints on the two issues at hand, both positions frame female subjects as bodies to be governed or as the loci for state incursions and governmental control. In the case of abolitionist feminists, women are held to be passive victims who are in need of governmental protection and saving. Conversely, the liberal stance perceives them as a separate economic class that must be placed under state supervision with its activities regulated and controlled. Importantly, this thesis contributes to the research on international political theory by offering a new interpretation of the debate on HT and prostitution. By employing a comparative case study as means to demonstrate its theoretical argument, it aims to create an alternative understanding of the polarised debate which essentially expresses one overarching framework. As such, it is highly relevant to post-modern feminist theory and gender studies since it presents a new perspective on one of the central and most pressing crises in global gender equality. This assertion is of vital importance for international relations and regionalist debates on state power insofar as it addresses important questions concerning the role of the nation-state in managing domestic affairs, such as prostitution, and tackling international issues, such as HT. In that regard, this paper argues against one of the widely-held beliefs, prevalent in liberal political circles, envisioning a decreased role for post-modern states in international relations and national policies. Instead, it posits that the construction of the two feminist discourses, creating easily governable subjects and enhancing state interventions, and their policy impact on HT and prostitution have successfully worked to solidify the role of the nation-state in addressing both HT and prostitution. Lastly, radical and liberal feminist movements in Sweden and The Netherlands have rendered one of the most successful lobbying efforts in the world which manifests the implications of international and regional political debates on national level. Admittedly, this serves a wider agenda in which national Dutch and Swedish feminist movements embody a culminating success of a global endeavour and as such are of broad importance with indisputably reverberating effects.Show less
On June 23, 2016, a referendum in the UK made clear that the EU would lose a member for the first time since its birth in 1951. In a highly intense campaign during the months before the referendum,...Show moreOn June 23, 2016, a referendum in the UK made clear that the EU would lose a member for the first time since its birth in 1951. In a highly intense campaign during the months before the referendum, those in favor of Brexit faced off those that fought to maintain the status quo. Among the many issues debated, sovereignty emerged as heavily contested. This thesis attempts to shed some light on the competing concepts of sovereignty that were used by the two camps by analyzing the discourses of left- and right-wing newspapers in the UK. After performing a discourse analysis of 90 articles that these newspapers published during the runup to the referendum, this thesis concludes that right-wing newspapers view sovereignty as an indivisible, high-value concept that should be held by a national, democratically elected government. By contrast, left-wing newspapers view it as having various degrees, which makes them more willing to cede some of it, if this benefits the nation. Academically, the thesis draws on existing literature about sovereignty and the British understanding of it, expanding on this literature especially through the insights on the British left-wing newspapers’ discourse. Moreover, it seeks to stimulate public debate on sovereignty by drawing attention to these newspapers’ less absolute, more cooperative perspective of the concept.Show less
