Authoritarian resilience, a concept mostly debated within the context of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA region), describes the durability and strengths of authoritarian regimes in resisting...Show moreAuthoritarian resilience, a concept mostly debated within the context of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA region), describes the durability and strengths of authoritarian regimes in resisting the pressure of democratisation. Both authoritarian consolidation, referring to the employment of authoritarian tactics by a regime to increase its stability, as well as the related sub-concept of authoritarian adaptation, meaning learning processes of a regime and respective adjustment of these authoritarian tactics in the wake of challenges to a regime, are crucial to the understanding of the debate on authoritarian resilience. Drawing on scholarship on this debate, most notably the theoretical conceptualisations by Göbel, who classified the tactics for authoritarian regime survival into despotic, infrastructural, and discursive powers, I develop a theoretical framework for regime consolidation in the wake of popular discontent and protest. Applying the framework to the case study of the authoritarian Al-Sisi regime in Egypt shows how the regime adapted its tactics to consolidate in the light of the challenges of popular discontent and protest and ultimately survived. This underscores the significance of the concept of authoritarian consolidation to authoritarian resilience. Furthermore, it substantiates how the skilful and well-integrated application of authoritarian adaptation contributes to authoritarian stability. Therefore, such an analysis provides a more comprehensive understanding of authoritarian regime dynamics and the concept of authoritarian resilience.Show less
The study covers the topic of sustainable development and the tourism industry in Egypt with a special focus on environmental degradation. The overarching research question for the study is ‘How...Show moreThe study covers the topic of sustainable development and the tourism industry in Egypt with a special focus on environmental degradation. The overarching research question for the study is ‘How does the tourism industry affect sustainable development in Egypt?’ Three case studies were used in order to demonstrate how the industry has affected the environment of the Red Sea. Based on the analysis of the case studies conclusions have been drawn concerning the effect on environmental degradation and how this subsequently affect the other two areas of sustainable development, social and economic development, in the long – term. The results of the paper show that the tourism industry, although it may have short – term positive social and economic effects, have long – term overall negative effects. The focus on long – term development here is critical for this conclusion, since sustainable development implies long – term development through which the current generation can fulfil their needs without jeopardizing the ability of future generations to fulfil theirs. If the tourism industry continues their current practices of environmental degradation, it will destroy the very environment on which the industry relies for many of its activities but also the very environment on which humanity relies. Environmental degradation of the Red Sea in particular also affects the fishing industry which is another important sector of the Egyptian economy. A loss of revenue both within the sector itself, and other economic sectors relying on the environment may lead to increased unemployment and thus a decrease in general social well – being. This demonstrates how the tourism industry can have long – term negative economic and social effects on the society as a whole. Lastly, the discussion brings up the issue that political instability causes to the tourism sector and the relationship between them. A faltering tourism industry as a result of environmental degradation can contribute to further political unrest due to increased environmental and economic difficulties, thus creating a vicious cycle of negative effects. This clearly demonstrates the importance of developing sustainable practices within the tourism industry, not just for economic reasons within the industry, but for the stability of the Egyptian society as a whole.Show less
“Sexual harassment in Egypt is a severe problem that affects almost all women in the country. The presence of the class struggle in Egypt, has influenced the way perpetrators and victims from...Show more“Sexual harassment in Egypt is a severe problem that affects almost all women in the country. The presence of the class struggle in Egypt, has influenced the way perpetrators and victims from certain classes are being perceived. Victims who are part of the upper-middle class in Egypt are overrepresented in the media, whereas women from lower classes who have experienced gender-based violence, are often neglected and their stories are mostly silenced. This class discrimination is also visible when analysing the treatment of perpetrators. Working-class, unemployed youth are often perceived as the typical sexual violator, while in reality women are being sexually harassed and assaulted by men from all socioeconomic backgrounds. Nevertheless, perpetrators of sexual harassment and assault that are part of the working-class, are overrepresented in Egypt and portrayed as if they are the only group that is guilty of these atrocities. This class discrimination is a result of the increasing securitisation of Egypt’s government, mostly after the revolution in 2011. This securitization has resulted in the working class in Egypt becoming even more marginalized and criminalized by nature”Show less
A discovery of natural resources in your back garden. A blessing or a curse for the relationship with your neighbours? It is precisely this question that this paper is concerned with. Discoveries...Show moreA discovery of natural resources in your back garden. A blessing or a curse for the relationship with your neighbours? It is precisely this question that this paper is concerned with. Discoveries of enormous natural gas fields in the Eastern Mediterranean are having a paradigm shifting effect on the international relations of the region. Hence, the research question that drives this thesis is the following. What will the impact of the natural gas be on the international relations of the states of the Eastern Mediterranean? This paper will show that natural gas in the Eastern Mediterranean has led to greater cooperation and regionalisation and will continue to do so in the future. However, this paper will also show the limitations of the beneficial effects of cooperation over natural resources. The relevancy of this topic stems from it alluding to an important question, whether natural resources are a blessing or a curse. For many countries the discovery of natural resources has led to great wealth and development. However, for many others it has been a burden leading to less development and growth or even weakening democracy. Resources and the competition over them can also lead to conflict and it is this realm of the international political consequences of the resources that this paper is focused on.Show less
“The struggles for water between hegemons and subordinates are set within the framework of hydro-hegemony and include the concept of power. Hegemonic and counter-hegemonic strategies drive changes...Show more“The struggles for water between hegemons and subordinates are set within the framework of hydro-hegemony and include the concept of power. Hegemonic and counter-hegemonic strategies drive changes at the international level allowing different states to shift their perceived power. Their positions actively affects the discourse, influencing processes like agenda-setting, policy-making and hydropower plans. This paper analyses the struggle between Egypt and Ethiopia within the hydro-hegemonic framework assessing the different practices employed by Cairo to (re-)assert its position as the most powerful player in the Nile River Basin complex, the hegemon.”Show less
In the past decades the global foreign aid system has witnessed the rise of a new, or rather re- emerging, group of donors (Woods Ngaire 2008; Momani and Ennis 2012; Young 2017). The UAE is one of...Show moreIn the past decades the global foreign aid system has witnessed the rise of a new, or rather re- emerging, group of donors (Woods Ngaire 2008; Momani and Ennis 2012; Young 2017). The UAE is one of these aid donors, having established a foreign aid system in its founding year 1971. Due to the lack of transparency in its aid practices and the small size of the country, the UAE’s aid practices have been understudied. However, some moves towards greater transparency have developed and thus renewed investigation into this question is possible (Almezaini 2012). One of the UAE’s major foreign aid beneficiaries is Egypt, particularly since 2013 when the largest share of UAE foreign aid was directed to the country (MICAID 2014). This thesis analyzes the motivations driving UAE aid to Egypt since 2011. In so doing, it outlines theories of aid allocation and proposes an alternative to the theory of constructivism. Moreover, it posits that the motivations driving UAE aid to Egypt are twofold: a desire to influence Egypt’s political landscape and a perceived threat of rising Muslim Brotherhood and political Islam rhetoric in a regionally influential country.Show less
“Gender studies has mostly concentrated on femininity in issues of patriarchal power. Men’s studies are an emerging field that take feminist scholarship and adds a new viewpoint to it by looking at...Show more“Gender studies has mostly concentrated on femininity in issues of patriarchal power. Men’s studies are an emerging field that take feminist scholarship and adds a new viewpoint to it by looking at the social structure around males. This article defines hegemonic and marginalized masculinities in Egypt and seeks to map out the influence the state has on creation, reproduction, and manipulation of these concepts. Rising from the context of neoliberal reforms, the security state is discriminating against a certain part of the population, especially working-class young men. They feel emasculated by the state authorities, while simultaneously manipulated into conforming to the hegemonic masculinity that the state promotes. Looking at the influence of the Egyptian security state on gender dynamics opens up a possibility to place gender topics into the wider understanding of the significant global patterns.”Show less
This paper seeks to understand the determinants and limitations of Egypt’s foreign policy approach towards the Syrian civil war. The chosen theoretical framework seeks to situate Egypt within the...Show moreThis paper seeks to understand the determinants and limitations of Egypt’s foreign policy approach towards the Syrian civil war. The chosen theoretical framework seeks to situate Egypt within the debate on the concept of Middle Powers. While Egypt lacks economic power, it still perceives itself as a Middle Power and acts as such due to its ambitions, and large military capabilities. In the first empirical chapter it is found that Egypt’s historical legacy has embedded the notions of independence, external economic assistance and counter-Islamism in its foreign policy. In the second empirical chapter, the interests of Sisi’s government were identified as matching the historical constants of Egypt’s foreign policy, which also explains his support for Assad. Then, it was found that Egypt’s interests are conflicting with those of its main allies and donors – the United States (US), Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), but are rather convergent with the interests of Russia and China. Therefore, Egypt cannot overly support the Assad regime in Syria as this would potentially lead to a loss of needed financial aid.Show less
This thesis seeks to explore how street children in Cairo are governed. It takes a multi-level approach through examining the public level, aid organizations and the Egyptian government. The way...Show moreThis thesis seeks to explore how street children in Cairo are governed. It takes a multi-level approach through examining the public level, aid organizations and the Egyptian government. The way street children are perceived on these different levels influences policy approach. Street children are rejected by Egyptian society, and a negative stereotype about them dominates the public view. The choices that street children must make in their daily life accentuate these stereotypes. A recent paradigm shift in academia has led aid organizations from viewing street children as passive subjects of charity towards a more human rights-based approach. Despite this paradigm shift, the government has yet to adapt its policy and continues to treat street children as delinquents. This thesis calls for more research on the topic of street children, in order to map out the magnitude of the problem. Furthermore, I suggest that unless street children are perceived the same on all levels, no adequate solution will be found to the growing problem.Show less
In 2009, it is estimated that the Muslim population in Egypt reached 78,51 million, or 94.6% of Egyptians is Muslim (Scott & Jafari 2010, 6). Islam influence created a unique case for Egypt as...Show moreIn 2009, it is estimated that the Muslim population in Egypt reached 78,51 million, or 94.6% of Egyptians is Muslim (Scott & Jafari 2010, 6). Islam influence created a unique case for Egypt as a developing country. From the period of the 1950s until 2000s, there have been multiple attempts to apply different economic reforms in Egypt. However, the reforms also affected the concept of Islamic revival in the context of setting the guidelines to practice business. This thesis focuses on the implication of neoliberalism concept, especially in terms of wealth accumulation from the year 1970s. Arguably, neoliberalism also shaped the Islamic practice into the notion of ‘pious neoliberalism’ in Egypt. The phenomenon of ‘pious neoliberalism’ will be analyzed through the emergence of the Islamic Banking and Finance (IBF) and the halal food industry in Egypt and the practicality of it. The research concludes that there is a new phenomenon of Islamization that is distinct from the predecessors by embracing the idea of neoliberalism and capitalism. The research, thus, explores how this new phenomenon of Islamization, shaped by pious neoliberalism, is distinct from the predecessors by embracing the idea of neoliberalism and capitalism.Show less
Corruption is an epidemic that prevails in all different layers of societies and governments around the world. While there have been continuous attempts aimed at ridding of the phenomenon, yet the...Show moreCorruption is an epidemic that prevails in all different layers of societies and governments around the world. While there have been continuous attempts aimed at ridding of the phenomenon, yet the war against corruption is yet to be a triumphed one. None of the traditional methods of tackling corruption that were applied by governments, nongovernment actors, or even global institutions such as the World Bank and Transparency International, have ever truly succeeded. Arguably, this can be due to the lack of innovation and the mere following of the traditional steps for battling corruption. Therefore, the paper will aim to illustrate that a new solution can arise from moving towards digitalised governance, in an attempt to reduce corruption in the public sector. Particular focus will be directed towards blockchain technology, as the thesis will contend that the adoption thereof offers the promise of significantly improving the Egyptian land registry, and curbing the corruption that is embedded within it. To verify this hypothesis, the thesis will look at Brazil’s blockchain-based solution and will examine the technology through a diffusion-of-innovation perspective.Show less
To understand the change in civil-military relations in Mubarak’s Egypt between 1991 and 2011, this study approaches civil-military relations theory from the historical, institutional, economic and...Show moreTo understand the change in civil-military relations in Mubarak’s Egypt between 1991 and 2011, this study approaches civil-military relations theory from the historical, institutional, economic and cultural dimensions to argue how the shift in civil-military relations resulted in the Egyptian military facilitating a transition of power from Mubarak to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces. By arguing about the shift in civil-military relations, this study uncovers that facilitating a transition of power as opposed to supporting the regime of Mubarak might have been 20 years in the making. Because of a shift from a clientelist relationship between the military and Mubarak to an internal clientelist relationship, the economic and political rise of Gamal Mubarak and the position the military holds within society based on a cultural-historic perspective, support for Mubarak became unlikely. Furthermore, this thesis adds to the theoretical critique on Huntington’s institutional theory by challenging the limited scope it offers to study civil-military relations.Show less
The Egyptian Revolution of January 25th 2011 was a turning point for Egyptian domestic politics but also for its foreign policy in defining its role both within the region and in the international...Show moreThe Egyptian Revolution of January 25th 2011 was a turning point for Egyptian domestic politics but also for its foreign policy in defining its role both within the region and in the international arena. After an anchored 30-year-old regime, Egypt witnessed rapid transitions between the rule of the Supreme Council of Armed Forces (SCAF), an interim president and two elected presidents within a period of only 6 years. Thus, the Arab spring and the rapid regime transitions have significantly played a role in shaping Egypt’s foreign policy and respectively, Egypt’s role.Today’s Egyptian president, Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi, is bringing the historical and traditional sense back to Egypt’s foreign policy. History, geography, size have previously shaped Egypt to be a leading power of the region. However, as it faces internal upheaval, Egypt seems to be culturally, politically and economically dormant from its dominant role. The Egyptian foreign policy may be currently under revision but it has an opportunity to re-define the role of Egypt in the region. This paper will first outline the historical roots and developments of the Egyptian foreign policy constructed under Nasser and Sadat, and progressed under Mubarak. Although both leaders pursued regional power, they led different ideologies which will be elaborated by opposing theories: raison de nation and constructivism led by Morsi on the one hand and raison d’état and realism on the one hand led by Sisi.Show less
