“The struggles for water between hegemons and subordinates are set within the framework of hydro-hegemony and include the concept of power. Hegemonic and counter-hegemonic strategies drive changes...Show more“The struggles for water between hegemons and subordinates are set within the framework of hydro-hegemony and include the concept of power. Hegemonic and counter-hegemonic strategies drive changes at the international level allowing different states to shift their perceived power. Their positions actively affects the discourse, influencing processes like agenda-setting, policy-making and hydropower plans. This paper analyses the struggle between Egypt and Ethiopia within the hydro-hegemonic framework assessing the different practices employed by Cairo to (re-)assert its position as the most powerful player in the Nile River Basin complex, the hegemon.”Show less
This thesis looks at two scholarly works researching the debt traps in Nigeria and Sri Lanka. From these two scholarly works factors are derived and evaluated that, according to the scholarly works...Show moreThis thesis looks at two scholarly works researching the debt traps in Nigeria and Sri Lanka. From these two scholarly works factors are derived and evaluated that, according to the scholarly works, helped cause Nigeria and Sri Lanka's debt trap. These factors are then used to evaluate the case of Ethiopia and see to what extend this country runs the same risks. This thesis shows that based on the factors derived from the two scholarly sources, data on Ethiopia shows the presence of these factors, which indicate a risk for a possible future debt trap.Show less
The thesis examines foreign policy behaviour in fractured states, which is argued to be more complex than in unitary nation states. The argument will be based on an assessment of foreign policy...Show moreThe thesis examines foreign policy behaviour in fractured states, which is argued to be more complex than in unitary nation states. The argument will be based on an assessment of foreign policy making in Ethiopia. The study specifically tries to investigate the influence of Ethiopia’s unique ethnic federal system on foreign policy making. It does so by applying a Neoclassical Realist framework to illuminate the dynamics between the international system and the domestic political settlement in shaping foreign policy responses. By making use of this framework, complex relations can be pointed out. Concluding the paper finds that even though Ethiopia is highly fractured along institutionalized ethnic lines, the foreign policy behaviour is predominantly determined by elitist strategies for regime survival. Nonetheless, the political core elite makes use of ethnic undertones to mobilize resources in their interest and shape a preferable national narrative. It will be shown that foreign policy and the national interest pursued are defined by the core elite to suit their strategies of regime survivalShow less
Over the last decades, China went from an underdeveloped nation to the world’s fastest growing economy. In the meantime, China’s economic relations have massively increased with nation from all...Show moreOver the last decades, China went from an underdeveloped nation to the world’s fastest growing economy. In the meantime, China’s economic relations have massively increased with nation from all economic, political and sociocultural backgrounds. Chinese trade with Africa grew during the post-colonial period and continued to rise as African nations gradually develop. Those partnerships remain distinct from others however, since there seems to be added pressure for economic trade to unequivocally benefit the African side when Chinese trade is involved. Indeed, when assessing trade with Africa, critics often tend to emphasize human rights violations and poor working conditions inflicted by Chinese companies, while generally not holding Western companies to the same standard, or at least, not emphasizing the issue as much, when similar instances also involve Western companies. The Chinese trading model will be compared with fairer trade practices practiced today also known as “fair trade”. This thesis will be an attempt at a discussion to understand the standard of Chinese trade model in Africa while also addressing the issues emerging as a result. The fair trade market, as well as other forms of fair trade practices will be assessed to determine the state of trade practices between the two case studies countries: Ethiopia and Nigeria.Show less
This thesis explores the impact that the border conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea has had on the breakdown of Eritrea's diplomatic relationships. It conducts an examination of formal resolution...Show moreThis thesis explores the impact that the border conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea has had on the breakdown of Eritrea's diplomatic relationships. It conducts an examination of formal resolution process, the dynamics of Eritrean foreign policy and the impact of its strategic choices. It concludes, that the border conflict cannot be seen as the sole cause for the disintegration of its external relationships.Show less
In this thesis the question of how the social factors of language, education and territorial concentration influence the seeking of voice at the center and/or at the periphery. This question was...Show moreIn this thesis the question of how the social factors of language, education and territorial concentration influence the seeking of voice at the center and/or at the periphery. This question was asked in the context of Ethiopia with a specific focus on one of its multi-ethnic regions, Benishangul-Gumuz by qualitatively assessing the documented evidence of the respective groups’ voice seeking behaviors. The analysis of the Ethiopian Constitution as well as the country’s distinct history implied that the selected social variables -interacting with the constitutional provisions of Amarigna as a central language, partially weak guarantees for group representation and the constitutional promise of self-rule- might influence the voice-seeking behavior of groups differently. Firstly, groups not speaking the official language as their mother tongue tend to concentrate their voice-seeking efforts in the periphery. Secondly, groups with lower educational levels appear to be more likely to demand proportionality in institutions not subject to guaranteed group representation, whereas higher educated groups tend to at least not support such demands. Finally, territorially concentrated groups potentially controlling their own territory seem to be more likely to seek a greater group voice whilst more dispersed groups sharing their territory tend to refrain from doing so.Show less
