The Russian invasion of Ukraine has caused the European security order to collapse. In response, the European Union (EU) has begun re-evaluating its security and defence policies. Consequently, it...Show moreThe Russian invasion of Ukraine has caused the European security order to collapse. In response, the European Union (EU) has begun re-evaluating its security and defence policies. Consequently, it is worth examining whether the Russian invasion constitutes a critical juncture for the EU’s security and defence policies. The EU’s main policy in this area is the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), while only formalised in 2009 with the Lisbon Treaty, European security and defence policy has a long evolutionary history. However, much of that history shows neglect and little action to achieve further integration. This study conducts a content analysis of the rhetoric used by the High Representative/Vice President (HR/VP) to determine whether the EU called for institutional stability, constrained change, or abrupt change following the Russian invasion. Additionally, the policy decisions of the Foreign Affairs Council (FAC) are evaluated to determine whether changes to European security and defence policy can be categorised as layering, displacement, drift, or conversion. These findings are contrasted with a similar evaluation of the EU’s response to the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea to determine whether the contrast allows for the determination that the Russian invasion constitutes a critical juncture. In line with the hypothesis, there is a stark contrast in the EU’s response between the two cases under evaluation, the rhetoric of the HR/VP shows significant calls for abrupt change and the FAC has agreed upon numerous changes to the CSDP. The findings indicate that the Russian invasion represents a critical juncture for the EU’s security and defence policies.Show less
Gradually, the authority and capability of IOs to undertake tasks that enhance the enjoyment of human rights have proliferated, but these growing capacities also expand the potential for rights to...Show moreGradually, the authority and capability of IOs to undertake tasks that enhance the enjoyment of human rights have proliferated, but these growing capacities also expand the potential for rights to be violated. This has led to increasing efforts to hold IOs accountable for the consequences of their behavior. The costs for IOs of being accused of human rights violations in terms of punishment and lost legitimacy creates the incentive for them to avoid accountability. Yet how IOs avoid accountability for human rights violations has not been substantially studied. This thesis fills this gap by applying a theory of blame management to the context of Frontex, which in recent years has faced scrutiny for violating the non-refoulement rights of migrants at sea. In doing so this thesis challenges the popular understanding of IOs as institutions committed to the high road in global governance, particularly on matters of human rights. Through a single case study of Frontex this thesis scrutinizes and ultimately finds support for the argument that when put in the spotlight for alleged human rights violations, accountability and blame are avoided through denial, delay, diversion, and delegation rather than accepted.Show less
This research explores the potential impact of EU election observation missions on the quality of elections, through the diffusion of democratic standards. The analysis is based on a single-case...Show moreThis research explores the potential impact of EU election observation missions on the quality of elections, through the diffusion of democratic standards. The analysis is based on a single-case study of the Kenyan elections building on diverse data including reports and interviews, applied in the process tracing method. Building on socialization theory and norm diffusion, I hypothesize that election observation has an impact on election quality, through the diffusion of democratic values. The Kenyan legal framework meets international obligations requiring elections to be “accountable and transparent”. But the tumultuous history of election violence highlighted fundamental issues and systematic problems that must be addressed. The findings show that there is a relevant added value to the presence of EU EOM, within different phases of the election cycle. The implementation of the EU EOM recommendations plays a key role in understanding the contribution of election observation to improve election quality. EU EOMs are found to be effective in deterring fraud and corruption, as election observation contributes to pressuring government officials to respect the electoral law. In the Kenyan case, the implementation of recommendations contributed to the mitigation of election-related violence, and the promotion of the stakeholders' confidence in the electoral process.Show less
This study examines the extent to which the Multilateral Intelligence Cooperation (MIC) model can account for the increase in intelligence cooperation between European Union Member States (EU MS)...Show moreThis study examines the extent to which the Multilateral Intelligence Cooperation (MIC) model can account for the increase in intelligence cooperation between European Union Member States (EU MS) in the field of counterterrorism. It is an explanatory deductive study employing qualitative methods, more specifically process-tracing, using data obtained from interviews and analysis of primary and secondary sources. The Madrid 2004 bombings and November 2015 Paris attacks are used as case studies to provide in-depth analysis of the MIC framework. The findings indicate that the driver internal demand contributes significantly to a MS’ decision to engage in intelligence exchange. The other two drivers, external pressure and cooperative momentum, are clearly discernible but have a smaller impact. Additionally, this research examines the MIC model’s limitations and discusses alternative factors crucial for establishing effective multilateral intelligence cooperation.Show less
In August 2021, the Taliban took control over the Afghan government. Subsequently, the EU halted development aid to Afghanistan. This research seeks to explain what motivated this decision and how...Show moreIn August 2021, the Taliban took control over the Afghan government. Subsequently, the EU halted development aid to Afghanistan. This research seeks to explain what motivated this decision and how Afghanistan’s illegitimacy has influenced the EU’s decision. Two aid allocation models based on recipient merit and donor interests are used to explain this puzzle. Drawing on an in-depth qualitative content analysis, this research illustrates how both aid allocation models sufficiently explain the EU’s decision considering Afghanistan’s illegitimacy.Show less
This thesis seeks to investigate COVID-19 as an opportunity for change for neoliberal ideology in the European Union. Critical juncture theory frames the pandemic to determine whether and how it...Show moreThis thesis seeks to investigate COVID-19 as an opportunity for change for neoliberal ideology in the European Union. Critical juncture theory frames the pandemic to determine whether and how it amounts to a critical juncture for neoliberal political rationality investigated through discourse. A theoretical spill-over effect is laid out to assess whether COVID-19 unleashed the potential for change of a critical juncture on neoliberal discourse. Discourse analysis of EU social policy debates and documents before and after March 2020 is carried out to compare the two emerging discourses and observe whether a state of discursive flux can be identified. Discursive flux is developed through the indicators of “ambiguity” and “heightened level of contestation” to operationalise the potential for change of a critical juncture. The narrative comparison shows that flux can be identified in the post-March-2020 discourse. Indeed, whereas the dogmas found in the baseline reflect the conceptualisation of neoliberal political rationality, the post-March-2020 discourse is shown to question each of them, rejecting their dogmatic character. New narratives emerge which outline the possibility for change away from neoliberal political rationality. This is how this thesis concludes that COVID19 amounts to a critical juncture for neoliberal ideology in the EU.Show less
Utilizing the case of the JTF and Dutch provinces, this thesis inquires the main research question on which factors contribute to Dutch regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Extracting from the...Show moreUtilizing the case of the JTF and Dutch provinces, this thesis inquires the main research question on which factors contribute to Dutch regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Extracting from the theoretical framework and literature, two hypotheses based on party-political congruence and interest compatibility are formulated. The analysis of party-political congruence and executive overlap as determinant shows that there are big differences in the level of congruence between provincial regions of The Netherlands. However, the analysis likewise shows that party-political congruence solely attributes little to the extend of regional cooperation in EU-affairs. This resulted in the determinant of party-political congruence being refuted. However, when we reformulate and add the dimensions of party ideology, executive (party) network and coalition agreements to the equation, political congruence increases in validity as supporting factor for regional cooperation. The analysis of interest compatibility shows that that there are significant differences in the degree of interest compatibility between different provinces within different regions in The Netherlands. This variation results in significant different outcomes when it come to regional cooperation in EU-affairs. Hence, interest compatibility is accepted as determinant factor. When further scrutinizing, it appears that social, economic and geographical provincial characteristics are important conditions for interest compatibility. In conclusion to the thesis' main question, it’s the compatibility of provincial interests and proactive executives which are the drivers behind regional cooperation. When provinces are characteristically alike, have well-connected executives, pro-European parties in the regional assemblies and European funds maintain well-defined criteria, regional cooperation can be a logical phenomenon in The Netherlands.Show less
This research investigates the factors that influence the collective action in the European Union, as it is an unique organisation. To do that it has determined the European Council as the most...Show moreThis research investigates the factors that influence the collective action in the European Union, as it is an unique organisation. To do that it has determined the European Council as the most influential body that can ensure collective action between the sovereign member states of the European Union. To assess how that is done the design principles of Elinor Ostrom (1992) are used as a measurement. Together with scapegoat theory, borrowed from social-psychology, the actions of the European Council are analysed in two cases. Where the first case, the EU-Turkey deal as a response to the refugee crisis of 2015, had successful collective action. The second case was less successful, as in the poisoning of Navalny a collective response failed. In both the cases there was the possibility to blame an equal scapegoat, however, the affected actors differed in their tangibility. The study shows that some of the design principles are easily discarded in the EU, which hampers the success of cooperation. Furthermore, it shows that a scapegoat can influence the working of Ostrom’s design principles, however, to increase the external validity of that a more diverse case study must be done.Show less
As the effects of climate change are increasingly appearing around the globe, the general public’s concern about the issue has also grown. As the need for action is becoming more important than...Show moreAs the effects of climate change are increasingly appearing around the globe, the general public’s concern about the issue has also grown. As the need for action is becoming more important than ever, we need to understand what factors can help increase implementation and reduce infringements of environmental policies. There is particular lack of research on the potential relationship between public concern about climate change and the infringements of European Union environmental rules in Europe. As respect of common rules is key to maintain the stability of the European Union, infringements represent a certain risk of conflict. Therefore, this research also helps fill the literature gap in the conflict and climate nexus about climate conflict in Europe. For these purposes, this research paper explores how public concern for climate change might impact the number of infringements member states commit regarding environmental policies of the European Union. Through a OLS regression analysis, the research finds that public concern does not seem to have a significant impact on the number of infringements member states commit. This apparent absence of influence of public opinion raises serious concerns as to the people’s power to make their governments listen to them and their calls for environmental protection.Show less
In the last decade, several Eastern members of the European Union (EU) have regressed in their democratic quality. This ‘democratic backsliding’ has most notably occurred in Hungary where the...Show moreIn the last decade, several Eastern members of the European Union (EU) have regressed in their democratic quality. This ‘democratic backsliding’ has most notably occurred in Hungary where the populist government led by Viktor Orbán continues to infringe upon the liberal democratic values championed by the EU. As the Hungarian populist government employs a Eurosceptic narrative, its continued success in combination with the rather pro-EU population is puzzling. Applying a multidimensional framework of EU attitudes, this study conducts a quantitative analysis of public opinion to explain the aforementioned puzzle and gauge the impact Euroscepticism has on the continued success of populism. It is argued that the government uses the underlying dimensions of EU attitudes to varying extent to mobilise public support. The binary regression’s results show that popular EU attitudes are not a definitive predictor for populist support. Nonetheless, the findings illustrate that the continued success of the Hungarian government is attributable to nationalist sentiments in the unique post-communist context.Show less
The debate on the EU and the various aspects of its enlargement process is a topic which has been viewed through various approaches; however no specific theory is capable of encompassing and...Show moreThe debate on the EU and the various aspects of its enlargement process is a topic which has been viewed through various approaches; however no specific theory is capable of encompassing and explaining the EU, its behavior, position, actions and role in the international political scene in the entirety of its complexity. In this regard Kenneth Waltz stated that “If we gather more and more data and establish more and more associations, however, we will not finally find that we know something” (Waltz, 2010, p.4). Therefore, continuously piling up new data does not contribute to our understanding and it brings us to finding new approaches and methods. In this sense, this research tries to paint a clearer and wider picture of the EU and its process through some of the core/basic principles of realism. Namely the process of EU enlargement is influenced by numerous factors; this thesis however, is focused specifically on the concept of threat perception as an important external factor which influences decisions in regards to EU enlargement. Stephen Walt, through his Threat Perception Theory (TPT), has not only provided a systematic way to introduce the concept of threat perception in the overarching theory of realism, but has also through the 4 categories, provided us with a tool to determine the concrete evaluation of a threat. In this thesis, that evaluation is applied to the example of Russia and how it is perceived from the EU standpoint. Walt has defined these four categories in such a way that they are not only applicable to the evaluation of threat that comes from certain actors (states), but they also provide room for analyzing specific aspects of their policies. This thesis utilizes this applicability of Walt’s TPT and uses it to also analyze the threat coming from Russian natural gas/energy politics. Due to the fact that threat, as a wider concept, is irrefutably connected to the concepts of survival and power, this thesis will also tackle the topic through the prism of these two primary concepts of realism. When it comes to power it will more notably focus on the works of Tom Casier (2018) and the notions of positive and negative compulsory power. Where this research deviates from the (often dogmatic) principles of the realist theories is the claim that states are the unitary actors on the international scene. This thesis views, and proves, that the EU is a sui generis actor capable of creating and achieving its foreign policy goals. Thus the aforementioned concepts which are generally attributed to states in realist theories, in this research are applied to the European Union.Show less
