After Suharto stepped down in 1998, buried grievances between natives and migrants, and Christians and Muslims, came to light. During this post-Suharto period, large-scale communal and separatist...Show moreAfter Suharto stepped down in 1998, buried grievances between natives and migrants, and Christians and Muslims, came to light. During this post-Suharto period, large-scale communal and separatist conflicts broke out across the archipelago. This thesis analyses three of these conflicts and questions why the indigenous populations of West Kalimantan, Central Sulawesi, and Papua resorted to collective violence against internal labour migrants in post- Suharto Indonesia, and asks under what historical and socio-economic conditions group boundaries were made, maintained and defended. By answering these questions, this study aims to contribute to a better understanding of what drives collective violence against labour migrants, and looks to identify general mechanisms of collective violence by analysing the erosion of intergroup boundaries.Show less
Comparison between four case studies about Dutch colonial violent conflicts in Indonesia, also questioning the need for a separation in the colonial historiography of the Netherlands between the...Show moreComparison between four case studies about Dutch colonial violent conflicts in Indonesia, also questioning the need for a separation in the colonial historiography of the Netherlands between the VOC and the post-VOC colonial period.Show less
This thesis attempts to write about the history of the Federal Consultative Assembly, also known in Dutch as the 'Bijeenkomst Federaal Overleg' (BFO), an assembly of Indonesians striving for a...Show moreThis thesis attempts to write about the history of the Federal Consultative Assembly, also known in Dutch as the 'Bijeenkomst Federaal Overleg' (BFO), an assembly of Indonesians striving for a federal Indonesia. Their agency became important to Dutch and Republican powerbrokers during the Dutch-Indonesian war of 1945-1949. Historians, like George McT. Kahin, argue that these federal Indonesians were either Dutch puppets or political 'opportunists' and part of a Dutch divide and rule strategy to regain their former colony. The author of the thesis refutes such arguments. By analysing the BFO's agency during the conflict, it becomes apparent that they were not merely puppets or opportunists, but that their decisions to either coöperate with the Dutch or the Republic were largely based on the way the war developed. This meaning the violence used during the conflict, the exercission of control of powerbrokers over Indonesian territory and the expectations this created about who would remain in power in Indonesia in the future. It will be emphasized that their cooperation with either the Dutch or the Republic was mostly involuntary and depended on which powerbroker could keep them save from violent harm and could safeguard a future for them in the future indepedent Indonesian state.Show less
On the 25th of November 1945, shortly after the capitulation of Japan, the Dutch General W. Schilling wrote a memorandum to van Mook (the Luitenant Governor General of Indonesia) advising against...Show moreOn the 25th of November 1945, shortly after the capitulation of Japan, the Dutch General W. Schilling wrote a memorandum to van Mook (the Luitenant Governor General of Indonesia) advising against military operations in Indonesia. He had a far more pessimistic view of the situation in the (former) colony then his colleagues. This thesis explores the background of Schilling's advice and the reasons why his opinion was different from that of other officers.Show less
This article examines the position of the Dutch planters in Indonesia after the transfer of sovereignty in 1949 until this nationalisation of the Dutch businesses in 1958. It studies the political...Show moreThis article examines the position of the Dutch planters in Indonesia after the transfer of sovereignty in 1949 until this nationalisation of the Dutch businesses in 1958. It studies the political and economic position of these planters and the changes it had to go through after the transfer of sovereignty, in the light of the ongoing New Guinea conflict between the Netherlands and Indonesia. The study argues that the Dutch planters had trouble with adjusting to the new political and social situation, which was hardened by the political relationship between the former colonizer and colonized.Show less
The thesis examines the conflict resolution of the inhabitants of Makassar in the eighteenth century. In the focus are the Chinese and Wajorese ethnic groups. It concerns itself with the question...Show moreThe thesis examines the conflict resolution of the inhabitants of Makassar in the eighteenth century. In the focus are the Chinese and Wajorese ethnic groups. It concerns itself with the question of why the inhabitants of Makassar made use of the colonial courts of the VOC for arbitration. To this end, specific cases of dispute in the courts of the VOC are examined. The thesis concludes that none of the proposed theories and concepts on their own are able to explain the complex system of motivations, institutions, and trust. Rather, by taking different approaches into account, additional dynamics of conflict resolution in the city are revealed.Show less
This thesis unearths the reasons and process behind the late eighteenth century codification projects of the Dutch East Indies Company (VOC) and examines their translation into legal practice in...Show moreThis thesis unearths the reasons and process behind the late eighteenth century codification projects of the Dutch East Indies Company (VOC) and examines their translation into legal practice in colonial court. Drawing from records of official correspondence and original civil and criminal case files archived at the Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia (Jakarta) and the Nationaal Archief (The Hague), it presents an analysis of (Dutch) colonial legal practice in a legally plural environment in which both colonial structures of power and local agency are considered.Show less
This dissertation explores the interaction between Australian foreign policy and the Indonesian Revolution. Central is the point that Australian foreign policy was shaped by the Indonesian...Show moreThis dissertation explores the interaction between Australian foreign policy and the Indonesian Revolution. Central is the point that Australian foreign policy was shaped by the Indonesian Revolution to an extent that few historians have recognized so far. After the Second World War, the Indonesian Revolution both posed a threat and was an opportunity for Australia. They wanted to create a stable region and were aware of how important it was to have Indonesia as a defensive ally, especially after the quick Allied defeat at the hand of the Japanese. They also saw a chance to build up a trade relationship with a country that was both rich in natural resources and had a lot of potential customers of Australian products. Before the Revolution, Australia had mainly counted on the British and their stronghold Singapore for their defence, and had been unable to conduct trade with the Netherlands East Indies on large scale, due to the protectionist policies of the Netherlands. Australia became aware that its own interests conflicted with those of the United Kingdom and the colonial system. It was because of this old colonial order that the Netherlands East Indies and Australia did not maintain extensive contacts with each other politically and diplomatically speaking, but were both still very much focussed on the countries that had colonized them. Even though those were on the other side of the globe, and Australia and the Netherlands East Indies were neighbours. With the Indonesian Revolution this could all change, and Australia saw the opportunity. However, the United Kingdom had dominated Australian foreign policy for so long, that Australia was still unsure what its own opinions on the situation were. But these developed pretty quick, after Australia was dragged into the conflict. The result of the Borneo Campaign was that they had to assume responsibility over the eastern part of Indonesia after the war, until the Dutch would return. A polarizing, nationwide dockworkers’ strike in the meantime made sure that everyone in Australia itself knew what was going on in the Netherlands East Indies. While they initially tried to work together with the Dutch to find a solution for the conflict, the Australians soon became fed up with their stubbornness and the relation soured after a couple of diplomatic incidents. The British consequently denied the Australians a place at the negotiating table, and though they accepted their position at first, their frustration grew with each failed British attempt to mediate an agreement between the revolutionary leaders of the Republic of Indonesia and the Dutch. When the Dutch launched a military attack on the Republican areas in July 1947, the Australians decided that it was time to act. Breaking through all traditional boundaries that divided countries in political allegiances at the time, it referred the Indonesian dispute to the Security Council, directly defying requests from their closest ally the United Kingdom not to do precisely that, in support of a non-white, non-Western, and non-Christian country that did not even exist yet. This was both a symbol of an emerging Southeast Asian – or Pacific – region, of maturing Australian independence, and of the unavoidable demise of the colonial system, but it was also a momentous development in the Indonesian struggle for independence. The Renville Agreement that was signed after the ensuing negotiations between the Netherlands, the Republic, Belgium, the United States, and Australia was itself not such a success for the Indonesians, but it would have far-reaching effects. For the first time since the outbreak of hostilities after the Second World War, the international community had committed itself to a peaceful ending to the Indonesian Revolution. And this support would turn out to be crucial in the subsequent episodes that would ultimately lead to Indonesian independence. This thesis shows that studying the Indonesian Revolution and its impact through emerging power structures, instead of along the traditional lines, can provide surprising new insights, both in the significant role Australia has played in the Indonesian Revolution, and how that revolution would help bring about a more independent Australian foreign policy.Show less
This thesis explores the relation between radio and identity politics in the Dutch East Indies (1927-1942). Although Indies radio in this early period is often dismissed as somewhat inconsequential...Show moreThis thesis explores the relation between radio and identity politics in the Dutch East Indies (1927-1942). Although Indies radio in this early period is often dismissed as somewhat inconsequential or apolitical, this study argues that a better look at its cultural registers and the motives behind its development betray a significant relation between Indies radio stations and colonial identity politics. Whether it was the PHOHI, which was developed to strengthen Dutch identity and authority, the NIROM, which strongly segmented between eastern and western audiences, or the eastern stations, founded in reaction to the severe underrepresentation of eastern cultures, almost all stations were involved in the segmentation of Indies society. Although such segmentation might have affirmed the ‘rule of colonial difference’ and thereby strengthened colonial rule, this study argues that any such effect would have been weakened by the increasing number of audiences with hybrid identities, as these undermined the categories of colonial hierarchy. Meanwhile radio continued to catalyse the polarization of eastern and western identities, weakening the cohesion and stability of Indies society.Show less
This thesis deals with the Dutch governmental plans for re-establishment of the Dutch colonial army in the Netherlands East Indies, the Koninklijk Nederlands-Indisch Leger (KNIL) after the Second...Show moreThis thesis deals with the Dutch governmental plans for re-establishment of the Dutch colonial army in the Netherlands East Indies, the Koninklijk Nederlands-Indisch Leger (KNIL) after the Second World War would have ended. These plans were made between 1942 and 1945, when Japan occupied the Netherlands East Indies. After the Japanese surrender on 15 August 1945, Dutch preparations turned out to be insufficient, because of the different expectations the Dutch government had about the possibilities of the colonial soldiers than what they were capable of in reality. These colonial soldiers, both Dutch, Indo-Dutch and Indonesian, had been captured and used as forced labourers by the Japanese during the war years. They were unable to fight against Indonesian nationalists and therefore the Dutch government was forced to also call other armed forces from the Netherlands to Asia. Several plans that were made during the Second World War were the establishment of the Mariniersbrigade (Marine Corps), recruitment of war volunteers and from 1946, a call for Dutch conscript soldiers was also made. Especially the period between 15 August 1945 and March 1946, when the British occupational forces allowed Dutch forces to re-enter the colony for the first time, is rarely investigated in historiography. This thesis fills in that gap, both in time and in topic.Show less
This thesis examines the massacre of Chinese in Tangerang that occurred between late May and June 1946, following the Dutch occupation in Serpong, Tangerang. More than a thousand Chinese men, women...Show moreThis thesis examines the massacre of Chinese in Tangerang that occurred between late May and June 1946, following the Dutch occupation in Serpong, Tangerang. More than a thousand Chinese men, women, and children were killed in various places in the interior of Tangerang. This thesis argues that the massacre was not an incidental event, but had its roots in the social disorganization, economic instability, and the collapse of authority occasioned by the Dutch colonial regime and Japanese occupation. Although outbursts of violence in Indonesia have a long history, the Tangerang massacre is a unique case, as it was targeted at a specific population, and it was perpetrated by a specific religious group. Moreover, jawara was also included in local patterns of violence and played a useful role of intimidation of those considered a problem of local government. Perpetrators of anti-Chinese violence in Tangerang justified their actions by saying that the Chinese were aliens in the community, as well as non-believers. The Tangerang massacre was only one in a long series of cases of anti-Chinese violence all over Java, in which both the Dutch and the Indonesian Republic failed to protect the lives of the Chinese population during the Indonesian Revolutionary period. Although considerable efforts were made by the Republic to protect the Chinese in order to enlist their support, the Republic's military forces were insufficient to prevent hostile acts by extremist elements whose animosity had been directed against the Chinese. Soon after the massacre in Tangerang, more cases of anti-Chinese violence emerged in other parts of Indonesia: Bagan Siapi-Api (1946), Cirebon (1947), Cibadak (1947), and Cilimus (1947). To date, no specific research has been conducted to examine the communal violence in those areas.Show less
