Bachelor thesis | South and Southeast Asian Studies (BA)
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Tolak Reklamasi Teluk Benoa”, freely translated as “reject the Benoa Bay reclamation”, is the slogan which can be seen on many posters and banners on the streets of Bali nowadays. Balinese locals...Show moreTolak Reklamasi Teluk Benoa”, freely translated as “reject the Benoa Bay reclamation”, is the slogan which can be seen on many posters and banners on the streets of Bali nowadays. Balinese locals are protesting against the Benoa Bay reclamation project, which is seen as the biggest mass tourism project in Bali. According to those who oppose the project, the reclamation endangers the physical and cultural landscape of the Balinese. Since 2013, the protest has turned into the largest civil protest, since the Reformasi era, against tourism development. Thousands of people have been protesting the $3 billion reclamation project at the offices of the Bali provincial government in Denpasar. In order to realize the Benoa Bay project, more than 700 hectares of water will be drained out of the former environmental protected zone. Many specialists argue that draining the bay will cause environmental, socio-cultural and political problems in Bali, so how and why is the project still in the running? what is the significance of the Benoa Bay reclamation project, and what are its implications?Show less
This thesis explores how Jakarta's Merdeka Square acts as a contested public space where both state institutions and society groups have contended with the idea of a pluralistic Indonesian society...Show moreThis thesis explores how Jakarta's Merdeka Square acts as a contested public space where both state institutions and society groups have contended with the idea of a pluralistic Indonesian society during the months preceding the 2017 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election.Show less
Bachelor thesis | South and Southeast Asian Studies (BA)
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This thesis focuses on the social position of Shi'i Muslims in Indonesia. The emphasis lays on the attack of a Shi'i village in Sampang in 2012, on the island of Madura.
Bujangga Manik is a fifteenth-century story from Sundanese-speaking West Java about an ascetic who travels around Java and Bali before ascending to heaven. Its central narrative trope, of narrating...Show moreBujangga Manik is a fifteenth-century story from Sundanese-speaking West Java about an ascetic who travels around Java and Bali before ascending to heaven. Its central narrative trope, of narrating the ascetic's journey through a recitation of place names, has no clear parallels in South Asian literature, and I argue that it derives from an ancient Malayo-Polynesian tradition, similar to what the anthropologist J. J. Fox named the 'topogeny'. I attempt to show this through a dissection of Bujangga Manik and detailed comparison with ethnographic data from the Malayo-Polynesian-(Austronesian-)speaking world.Show less
This dissertation explores the interaction between Australian foreign policy and the Indonesian Revolution. Central is the point that Australian foreign policy was shaped by the Indonesian...Show moreThis dissertation explores the interaction between Australian foreign policy and the Indonesian Revolution. Central is the point that Australian foreign policy was shaped by the Indonesian Revolution to an extent that few historians have recognized so far. After the Second World War, the Indonesian Revolution both posed a threat and was an opportunity for Australia. They wanted to create a stable region and were aware of how important it was to have Indonesia as a defensive ally, especially after the quick Allied defeat at the hand of the Japanese. They also saw a chance to build up a trade relationship with a country that was both rich in natural resources and had a lot of potential customers of Australian products. Before the Revolution, Australia had mainly counted on the British and their stronghold Singapore for their defence, and had been unable to conduct trade with the Netherlands East Indies on large scale, due to the protectionist policies of the Netherlands. Australia became aware that its own interests conflicted with those of the United Kingdom and the colonial system. It was because of this old colonial order that the Netherlands East Indies and Australia did not maintain extensive contacts with each other politically and diplomatically speaking, but were both still very much focussed on the countries that had colonized them. Even though those were on the other side of the globe, and Australia and the Netherlands East Indies were neighbours. With the Indonesian Revolution this could all change, and Australia saw the opportunity. However, the United Kingdom had dominated Australian foreign policy for so long, that Australia was still unsure what its own opinions on the situation were. But these developed pretty quick, after Australia was dragged into the conflict. The result of the Borneo Campaign was that they had to assume responsibility over the eastern part of Indonesia after the war, until the Dutch would return. A polarizing, nationwide dockworkers’ strike in the meantime made sure that everyone in Australia itself knew what was going on in the Netherlands East Indies. While they initially tried to work together with the Dutch to find a solution for the conflict, the Australians soon became fed up with their stubbornness and the relation soured after a couple of diplomatic incidents. The British consequently denied the Australians a place at the negotiating table, and though they accepted their position at first, their frustration grew with each failed British attempt to mediate an agreement between the revolutionary leaders of the Republic of Indonesia and the Dutch. When the Dutch launched a military attack on the Republican areas in July 1947, the Australians decided that it was time to act. Breaking through all traditional boundaries that divided countries in political allegiances at the time, it referred the Indonesian dispute to the Security Council, directly defying requests from their closest ally the United Kingdom not to do precisely that, in support of a non-white, non-Western, and non-Christian country that did not even exist yet. This was both a symbol of an emerging Southeast Asian – or Pacific – region, of maturing Australian independence, and of the unavoidable demise of the colonial system, but it was also a momentous development in the Indonesian struggle for independence. The Renville Agreement that was signed after the ensuing negotiations between the Netherlands, the Republic, Belgium, the United States, and Australia was itself not such a success for the Indonesians, but it would have far-reaching effects. For the first time since the outbreak of hostilities after the Second World War, the international community had committed itself to a peaceful ending to the Indonesian Revolution. And this support would turn out to be crucial in the subsequent episodes that would ultimately lead to Indonesian independence. This thesis shows that studying the Indonesian Revolution and its impact through emerging power structures, instead of along the traditional lines, can provide surprising new insights, both in the significant role Australia has played in the Indonesian Revolution, and how that revolution would help bring about a more independent Australian foreign policy.Show less
With the threat of terrorism in its latest and potent incarnation as Islamic State in Syria and Iraq (ISIS) still on the ascendancy, the global war on terror has entered a new era, and its efficacy...Show moreWith the threat of terrorism in its latest and potent incarnation as Islamic State in Syria and Iraq (ISIS) still on the ascendancy, the global war on terror has entered a new era, and its efficacy is in question. More than 15 years have passed since the 9/11 terror attacks, and yet success in suppressing terrorist activities and insurgencies still remains unclear. Successful counter-terrorism strategies in the wake of ISIS seem to require nations addressing extremism as the ideological motivation for terrorism. Reliance solely on the hard approach of war on terror seems to neglect the importance of the historical, cultural and ideological roots of terrorism. There is a pressing need now for countries to implement and include both “hard” and “soft” approaches in its counter-terrorism framework. Being the world’s most populous Muslim-majority country Indonesia has been an appealing target for ISIS in Southeast Asia. As a lynchpin in the region it has become absolutely critical for the country to handle the ISIS threat and reduce potential spillover in the region. While the Indonesian state has faced several challenges in countering the ISIS threat, it has also attained reasonable success in mitigating and containing the threat.Show less
The increase of ASEAN tasks and functions has risen to a point where human rights have become enshrined in a regional commission. How can this be explained considering the history of straight up...Show moreThe increase of ASEAN tasks and functions has risen to a point where human rights have become enshrined in a regional commission. How can this be explained considering the history of straight up human right abstinence and abuses throughout the history of the member states. I hypothesise in this thesis that the recent democratisation of regimes of ASEAN member states caused supranationalism in the form of the creation of the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission for Human Rights. In order to consolidate the new democracy, regimes may pursuit locking them in into supranational institutions. This will prevent the democratic regime from falling back to authoritarian rule, since it’s citizens rights are protected by a higher authority, out of reach of the direct power of the regime. Results suggest this theory may hold validity in the ASEAN region where recently democratised states are more likely to support supranational institutions than the long term democracies or authoritarian states. This means change in direction and norms in ASEAN is the result of democratisation of member states that are using ASEAN as vehicle for domestic political goals.Show less
This thesis researches to what extent Indonesian online based media create a discourse that emphasize the Chinese-Christian identity of Basuki Thjahaja Purnama (Ahok) as a minority during the...Show moreThis thesis researches to what extent Indonesian online based media create a discourse that emphasize the Chinese-Christian identity of Basuki Thjahaja Purnama (Ahok) as a minority during the Jakarta gubernatorial elections of 2017. The thesis employs a qualitative discourse analysis method that researches online articles of news portals Tempo.co, Kompas, and The Jakarta Post. To understand discourse on the Chinese-Christian identity in its proper context, first is researched what the Chinese identity means within Indonesian society by taking a historical perspective. Secondly, this thesis explores the role of religion in modern Indonesian politics as well as the political and religious context of the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial elections. News articles linked to Ahok’s blasphemy case, demonstrations against Ahok, and the elections are selected for analysis. In total 42 articles have been analyzed. The results show that there is difference in writing styles between English and Indonesian language based online news portals. Whereas the Indonesian language based news portals remain neutral to Ahok’s identity as Christian-Chinese by not referring to it, the English language based The Jakarta Post creates a narrative in which Ahok is emphasized as part of a Christian-Chinese minority.Show less
This study aims to answer the question regarding what language policies of Japan and the Netherlands were used in Korea and Indonesia in the period from 1910to 1945. In brief, I researched the...Show moreThis study aims to answer the question regarding what language policies of Japan and the Netherlands were used in Korea and Indonesia in the period from 1910to 1945. In brief, I researched the differences between the Netherlands and Japan. The political attitude towards the two different colonies might have been the biggest difference between the two colonisers. Therefore, I gave this subject the most attention during the writing of this thesis. I was curious about the different political policies that the Netherlands and Japan had regarding their language implementation in the colony. This thesis is a literature study that focuses on the available material of the two colonizers and their respective colonies. In brief, this thesis shows that Japan had a more direct and aggressive approach to colonization compared to the Netherlands. While the Netherlands mainly focused on becoming as rich as possible from the trade,the Japanese wanted to completely assimilate Korea.Several interesting differences were noticeable;one of those was Japan’s assimilation policy, which resulted in the uniform Kokuga language/culture. Conversely, the Dutch did not try their utmost to make Dutch the uniform language in Indonesia. Furthermore, the Japanese forbid the use of other languages apart from Japanese whereas the Dutch accepted the use of Malay, Portuguese and many other languages.Show less
This thesis explores the relation between radio and identity politics in the Dutch East Indies (1927-1942). Although Indies radio in this early period is often dismissed as somewhat inconsequential...Show moreThis thesis explores the relation between radio and identity politics in the Dutch East Indies (1927-1942). Although Indies radio in this early period is often dismissed as somewhat inconsequential or apolitical, this study argues that a better look at its cultural registers and the motives behind its development betray a significant relation between Indies radio stations and colonial identity politics. Whether it was the PHOHI, which was developed to strengthen Dutch identity and authority, the NIROM, which strongly segmented between eastern and western audiences, or the eastern stations, founded in reaction to the severe underrepresentation of eastern cultures, almost all stations were involved in the segmentation of Indies society. Although such segmentation might have affirmed the ‘rule of colonial difference’ and thereby strengthened colonial rule, this study argues that any such effect would have been weakened by the increasing number of audiences with hybrid identities, as these undermined the categories of colonial hierarchy. Meanwhile radio continued to catalyse the polarization of eastern and western identities, weakening the cohesion and stability of Indies society.Show less
This thesis places Indonesia’s strategic regional policy for dealing with power competition within Asia in the context of its relationship with ASEAN, China and the US. The main question this...Show moreThis thesis places Indonesia’s strategic regional policy for dealing with power competition within Asia in the context of its relationship with ASEAN, China and the US. The main question this thesis addresses is whether Indonesia, as a secondary state in the Southeast Asian region, is more likely to deal with the politics of the regional order through power balancing or institutional enmeshment. It will compare the arguments of Robert R. Ross, who argues that the balance of power in Asia-Pacific politics is affected by military power, and Evelyn Goh, who argues that the regional order is more complex and that regional frameworks such as ASEAN will also help influence larger regional counterweights such as China. In focusing on the power balancing actions that secondary states take, Ross argues that Indonesia uses military power, with the US by its side, to balance against China. Goh does not believe Indonesia can simply power balance against China, but that it will also try to enmesh China in regional entities. Both Ross’s and Goh’s arguments will be tested through a case study on Indonesia’s behaviour in the regional dispute in the South China Sea to determine which of the two arguments is more relevant to Indonesia’s strategic regional policy. This study is relevant because it provides a more detailed analysis of Indonesia’s capabilities to deal with power competition in the region. This thesis concludes that Indonesia is more likely to deal with power competition in the Asia-Pacific through the enmeshment theory of Evelyn Goh.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
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This thesis examines the ways in which the history of 1965-66 is remembered and represented in contemporary Indonesia, both in national public space and among a group of high school pupils in...Show moreThis thesis examines the ways in which the history of 1965-66 is remembered and represented in contemporary Indonesia, both in national public space and among a group of high school pupils in Yogyakarta. The history of 1965-66, a history of mass killings and imprisonment of hundreds of thousands of alleged communist Indonesians, has for a long time been silenced and mystified by anti-communist myth-making that was created under Suharto’s authoritarian rule. Despite the end of Suharto’s regime in 1998 and numerous attempts to counter the state propaganda, this master-narrative that labels victims as perpetrators deserving of their fate is still widely available in contemporary Indonesian state and society. This thesis examines how and why master- and counter-narratives of “1965” continue to exist and circulate in Indonesia today. By combining a focus on contestations of the past in public space with research into the perceptions of the younger generation in particular, it explores how the politics of memory work in everyday practice. A survey conducted among 170 high school pupils in Yogyakarta provides unique insight into the highly complex and problematic ways in which the history of 1965-66 is remembered by a group of young Indonesians today. Thereby, this thesis provides further insight into the lasting legacies of mass violence in post-authoritarian Indonesia.Show less
