Looking at diplomatic gifts as not merely precious objects that are transported across the globe, but also as objects that were exchanged purposefully as part of the formation of early modern...Show moreLooking at diplomatic gifts as not merely precious objects that are transported across the globe, but also as objects that were exchanged purposefully as part of the formation of early modern connections, this thesis focuses on the study of gift-giving between the Netherlands and the Dutch East Indies. An analysis of the political relationship between the first ruler of Yogyakarta, Sultan Hamengkubuwono I (1717-92) and the Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC) reveals how material objects can be appropriated to create an agency for negotiation of greater political hegemony. In particular, the Sultan was able to create new symbolic meanings that legitimised his authority and power as a ruler in the eyes of his subjects through the gift, Kanjeng Nyai Jimat (royal coach), that was gifted by the Dutch after the Treaty of Giyanti in 1755. Despite its apparent foreign origin, the use of traditional concepts of power that are derived from the Javanese philosophy and cosmology had allowed the Sultan not only to carve an agency for himself but also to maintain the political hegemony of the royal family within Java up to this day.Show less
Smallholders are far from dead. In many cases around the world, smallholder farmers represent the backbone of rural and national economic development and are considered as both “beneficiaries and...Show moreSmallholders are far from dead. In many cases around the world, smallholder farmers represent the backbone of rural and national economic development and are considered as both “beneficiaries and agents of sustainable development”. The expansion of commodity crops has positively impacted rural livelihoods, providing employment and boosting general well-being among rural communities. This, however, changed the way farmers interact with nature, leading to negative externalities such as deforestation practices, wildlife endangerment and unsustainable working environments. Palm oil (PO) has attracted global attention for its ambiguous and often problematic nature. On the one hand, palm oil’s market rapid growth in Indonesia raised dramatic environmental concerns, as its development has come at the expense of fundamental human rights and biodiverse, carbon-rich tropical forests. On the other hand, it brought rural development and increased the national economy, placing smallholder farmers on a leading position. To investigate this trade-off of growth, the thesis was guided by the research question “how does the inclusion of smallholder farmers in the PO GVC contribute to sustainable inclusive development?” and was supported by the following three sub-questions: 1. What are the socio-economic implications of PO expansion on smallholder farmers in Riau and Jambi provinces? 2. What are the environmental implications of PO expansion in Riau and Jambi and how are these linked to smallholder farming? 3. To what extent has smallholders’ participation in the PO GVC contributed to the shift to the sustainable production of the crop and what facilitates this transition? The thesis was built on the sustainable and inclusive development theoretical framework and shed light on the role of smallholder farmers in enhancing rural livelihoods and boosting national economic growth. The analysis concludes that PO production has played a relevant role in poverty reduction and economic growth in Riau and Jambi, Indonesia. More specifically, its expansion manifested into increased income, access to land and capital, rural development through infrastructure and services and improved household dietary quality and food security. However, because of the strong influence of the Indonesian government's transmigration programme, inequality among farmers arised, as transmigrant smallholder families were given financial and technical support, while autochthonous ones generally were left forgotten. At the same time, palm oil expansion has replaced substantial amounts of tropical forests and led to numerous land conflicts across Indonesia.Show less
Current global movements have emphasized the institutionalized problem of colourism that structurally disadvantage people of colour. In Indonesia, the Melanesians, a marginalized group of dark...Show moreCurrent global movements have emphasized the institutionalized problem of colourism that structurally disadvantage people of colour. In Indonesia, the Melanesians, a marginalized group of dark-skinned people from East-Indonesia, find themselves in a Southeast Asian society that embraces a beauty standard of fair skin. This exposes the already marginalized group to a society that encourages colourism. This thesis attempts to research to what extent colourism within the beauty standards contributes to the marginalization of their position within Indonesian society over the last two decades. Furthermore, this thesis analyses the establishment of colourism within the Southeast Asian beauty standard, as well as why the Melanesians have been in a marginalized position since the Indonesian dependence.Show less
By examining how the works of Snouck Hurgronje and the historiography of the Indonesian independence war have amounted to a contemporary discourse in which Islamophobia arises, It can be concluded...Show moreBy examining how the works of Snouck Hurgronje and the historiography of the Indonesian independence war have amounted to a contemporary discourse in which Islamophobia arises, It can be concluded that both are stooled on false pre-conceptions and a non-existent dichotomy between ‘us’ and ‘them’. This makes the Dutch colonial history in Indonesia as an important factor shaping Islamophobia today.Show less
The interconnectedness of contemporary world politics and economics has led to an increased movement of labour, capital and ideas. Unfortunately, the movement of labour and capital has accumulated...Show moreThe interconnectedness of contemporary world politics and economics has led to an increased movement of labour, capital and ideas. Unfortunately, the movement of labour and capital has accumulated in, what the world-systems theory calls, ‘core countries’, while their waste has been shipped to the feet of the ‘periphery countries’. This is the result of a capitalist economic system that has caused ecological imbalance, uneven accumulation and unlimited extension. According to Max Weber’s hypotheses, the ‘core’ of this system is formed by historically Protestant countries whose values of individualism, hard work, revenue pursuit and frugality facilitated the success of the modern capitalist – spirit embedded in multinational corporations. Increasingly environmentally aware consumers are urging MNCs to take responsibility for the environmental harm that they have caused in countries where their outsourcing partners operate. Nevertheless, numerous MNCs have managed to avoid public scrutiny by implementing CSR strategies on the surface level. Therefore, outsourcing partners are still being affected by the negative externalities of the industry’s production processes. This thesis argues that the protestant ethic which allowed for the success of MNCs is also hindering the advance of corporate social responsibility amongst outsourcing partners in countries such as Indonesia. The protestant ethic characteristic of core capitalist countries perpetuates MNCs privileged position at the expense of the environmental degradation and consequent socio-economic well-being of inhabitants of periphery countries.Show less
This thesis investigates the gender ideologies present in the social marketing of contraception. The case of the family-planning focused NGO DKT International's program in Indonesia was used. It...Show moreThis thesis investigates the gender ideologies present in the social marketing of contraception. The case of the family-planning focused NGO DKT International's program in Indonesia was used. It was found that specific gender scripts, such as empowered women and sexually active men, were used in the advertising.Show less
Rising concerns of climate change and environmental degradation is an increasing issue globally. In order to counter global warming and climate change, renewable energy is regarded as the key...Show moreRising concerns of climate change and environmental degradation is an increasing issue globally. In order to counter global warming and climate change, renewable energy is regarded as the key driver. Despite an abundance of renewable energy resources in Indonesia, the country has only marginally seen growth in this sector. The purpose of this research is to examine why Indonesia has been reluctant to transition towards renewable energy by taking the nexus of economic growth and (renewable) energy into account, as well as the various stakeholders that are related to Indonesia’s renewable energy sector. Using qualitative research methods, this study analyses Indonesia as a case study in order to effectively comprehend this multidimensional issue. It closely aligns with the assemblage theory in order to create a better understanding of various interests, fractions, rivalries, synergies and contradictions between the stakeholders in Indonesia’s renewable energy sector. Powerful stakeholders that have demote renewables, political ‘short-termism’ and social factors (that have negative effects on inflows of FDI) were found to play the greatest obstacles in facilitating the transition towards renewable energy development. Furthermore, this study adds to the debate regarding renewable energy development and economic growth.Show less
The Malaysian government and Malaysian NGOs engage in a variety of institutional collaborations to protect their numerous endangered species from extinction. However, there is a general tendency...Show moreThe Malaysian government and Malaysian NGOs engage in a variety of institutional collaborations to protect their numerous endangered species from extinction. However, there is a general tendency among such institutional conservation collaborations to fail to achieve their goal(s), resulting in a delay of the aspired outcome of the collaboration or in the extinction of the endangered species. This thesis aims to understand why such collaborations fail to reach their goal(s) by examining the institutional collaboration on the conservation of the critically endangered Sumatran rhinoceros, involving the governments and NGOs of Malaysia and Indonesia as well as their international partners. The general findings indicate that possible inequalities in the position, interests and priorities of the actors involved, and a resulting lack of goal congruence, are vital concerns to take into account and to address, as they obstruct the conservation progress.Show less
This thesis takes an institutional approach to patronage networks in Indonesia and describes how institutional vulnerabilities facilitated the expansion of patronage networks in Indonesia after the...Show moreThis thesis takes an institutional approach to patronage networks in Indonesia and describes how institutional vulnerabilities facilitated the expansion of patronage networks in Indonesia after the adoption of the open list proportional representation (OLPR) system. It is demonstrated how institutional factors such as decentralization, a powerful bureaucracy, Suharto's legacy, weak and underfunded political parties, resourceful economic actors, and lacking enforcement of anti-corruption regulations have increased the opportunity and incentive for politicians, bureaucrats, economic actors and voters to establish patronage networks. This thesis concludes that careful deliberation of institutional factors is essential before adopting the OLPR system in order to prevent widespread clientelism.Show less
China is a rising power, something that has become increasingly evident in the South China Sea dispute in the past decade. In 2009, China for the first time officially and unilaterally declared...Show moreChina is a rising power, something that has become increasingly evident in the South China Sea dispute in the past decade. In 2009, China for the first time officially and unilaterally declared sovereignty over a large part of the South China Sea (SCS). At that time, both the biggest and smallest states of the region, Indonesia and Singapore, did not belong to the so-called ‘claimant states’. However, the increased tension in the SCS as a consequence of China’s maritime expansion leads to both states being affected by this dispute. Therefore, this thesis aims to examine the question ‘’How and why have Indonesia and Singapore responded to the increased Chinese assertiveness in the South China Sea, despite both initially not being claimant states?’’ Outlining the developments in the South China Sea and looking at the dimensions of economic relations and domestic political factors, this thesis will try to explain the responses of Indonesia and Singapore to an increasingly assertive China in the South China Sea in the past decade. What could be concluded is that while Singapore and, to a greater extent, Indonesia are economically increasingly dependent on China, which could lead to turning a blind eye to China’s behaviour in the SCS, the two Southeast Asian states have instead increasingly criticized China in the past decade in order to go against its growing assertive behaviour. This response comes out of dynamics in domestic politics that does not allow the two states to behave submissively.Show less
Migration has always been a significant issue in world politics, with the latest development in the so-called ‘Global Migration Crisis’ in 2015 increasing its salience. In 2016, the formulation of...Show moreMigration has always been a significant issue in world politics, with the latest development in the so-called ‘Global Migration Crisis’ in 2015 increasing its salience. In 2016, the formulation of Jordan Compact and the European Union (EU)-Turkey Deal made way for the emergence of a new category of diplomacy, the “Migration Diplomacy”. Even though the term is considered a recent one, international actors (especially states) have practised it from time to time in previous periods. For example, the establishment of Bracero Program that regulated Mexican migrant worker movement to the United States in 1942, or the enactment of “Operation Solomon” in which the Ethiopian Government gave permission to the Israeli Government to evacuate 14,000 Ethiopian Jews from Ethiopian territory, in exchange for arms and financial aid of $36 million from Israel. While there are already several studies done on Migration Diplomacy in America, Europe, and Africa, there are not yet extensive empirical studies regarding Migration Diplomacy in Asia, especially not in the Southeast Asia region. This thesis aims to provide an empirical example of Migration Diplomacy, through the perspective of recent developments in Indonesia since the 1970s. It looked into the change over time regarding the implementation of Migration Diplomacy and the factors that influenced it.Show less
This thesis attempts to write about the history of the Federal Consultative Assembly, also known in Dutch as the 'Bijeenkomst Federaal Overleg' (BFO), an assembly of Indonesians striving for a...Show moreThis thesis attempts to write about the history of the Federal Consultative Assembly, also known in Dutch as the 'Bijeenkomst Federaal Overleg' (BFO), an assembly of Indonesians striving for a federal Indonesia. Their agency became important to Dutch and Republican powerbrokers during the Dutch-Indonesian war of 1945-1949. Historians, like George McT. Kahin, argue that these federal Indonesians were either Dutch puppets or political 'opportunists' and part of a Dutch divide and rule strategy to regain their former colony. The author of the thesis refutes such arguments. By analysing the BFO's agency during the conflict, it becomes apparent that they were not merely puppets or opportunists, but that their decisions to either coöperate with the Dutch or the Republic were largely based on the way the war developed. This meaning the violence used during the conflict, the exercission of control of powerbrokers over Indonesian territory and the expectations this created about who would remain in power in Indonesia in the future. It will be emphasized that their cooperation with either the Dutch or the Republic was mostly involuntary and depended on which powerbroker could keep them save from violent harm and could safeguard a future for them in the future indepedent Indonesian state.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
open access
On the 17th of April 2019, Indonesia held the general elections. The President Joko Widodo (“Jokowi”) won 55,5% of the vote, beating the former general Prabowo Subianto representing Gerindra Party...Show moreOn the 17th of April 2019, Indonesia held the general elections. The President Joko Widodo (“Jokowi”) won 55,5% of the vote, beating the former general Prabowo Subianto representing Gerindra Party for the second time, the first in 2014. Less than two weeks after the victory, the re-elected President announced its intention to relocate the nation's capital from Jakarta, located in Java island, to a greenfield site on the island of Kalimantan. In this thesis, I use Twitter communication emanating from the Indonesian Ministry of National Development Planning and the office of the President to dissect the official rationale for this historic initiative and to investigate on the political and ideological discourse surrounding it. What is the Indonesian government trying to achieve through this project? What ideals and political priorities does it reflect? Is there consistency in the official discourse? My analysis is both quantitative and qualitative; it is quantitative because I used large numbers of tweets to measure the frequency which a variety of terms is used to describe both the desirable characteristics of the new capital, and the undesirable aspects of the old one. It is partly qualitative because I investigated and critically reflected on the results found on Twitter to understand better the motifs behind the decision of moving the capital, and be able to answer my research questions. The results show that Jakarta has been abandoned because it does not represent the Indonesian aspirations of modernity, reflected on the smart, sustainable and green imaginaries that the new capital will promote. Indeed, the tweet analysis revealed that these three elements are the most desirable features for the new capital of Indonesia and are the emblem of the type of modernity and progress that the Indonesian government is aspiring to. This is confirmed by the fact that the mentions to smart, green and sustainable are not clear nor justified. These terms appear to be used as buzzwords, almost as if it they were interchangeable. In conclusion, I argue that these features are all instrumental for expressing modernity and progress (Maju). This is the real objective of the government. “The city of dreams”, as I renamed it, imagines a flawless and perfect city, symbol of the progress of the whole country; the truth is that it is only a symbol, and the country will not progress in smartness, greenness, sustainability and equality if not through real policies and measures that tackle the local problems. Besides these attributes, the government claimed that the new capital would bring to more regional equality and economic growth. In this regard, the Indonesian government has also tweeted about Brasilia and its similarities with the new Indonesian capital, praising the design and the outcome of the project; like Brasilia, the new capital is seen as a means to cope with ongoing economic imbalance among the different regions of Indonesia. Although regional equality is, of course, an issue that the government needs to tackle, the increase of GDP outside Java will not benefit the whole population unless there is a real will to tackle inequality not only geographically but also across income groups. Besides, it is essential to remember that the gap between the rich and the poor in Jakarta is substantial and moving the capital will not represent a solution to this problem. Furthermore, the comparison with Brasilia was fundamental to notice a crucial vii paradox in the project of Ibu Kota Baru: by promoting a modern and futuristic capital, Ibu Kota Baru implicitly indicates a refusal of existing conditions of Indonesia, just as like Brasilia did. To conclude, it is important to mention that this thesis is about ideology. In essence, it does not seek to analyse the hidden personal interests and oligarchic business strategies on the project of the capital, although this has been briefly pointed out. The ultimate aim is to dissect the official rhetoric and rationale that surround this project to find the political ideals and desirable features that the project reflects, and inconsistencies in the discourse.Show less
Through the Shared Cultural Heritage Programmes of the last few decades, the Dutch government uses international cultural exchange for diplomatic ends. To build diplomatic relations despite...Show moreThrough the Shared Cultural Heritage Programmes of the last few decades, the Dutch government uses international cultural exchange for diplomatic ends. To build diplomatic relations despite difficult history and heritage, the Netherlands stress that the history and heritage they share with Indonesia and Suriname is shared and therefore important to preserve. Although this policy is quite successful in Indonesia and partly in Suriname, the heritage diplomacy does not really engage with postcolonial views on 'shared' history.Show less
This thesis analyses Bawuk, a short story published in 1975 by Umar Kayam in the context of the New Order period in Indonesia (1966-1998). This thesis discusses in what ways are gender ideologies...Show moreThis thesis analyses Bawuk, a short story published in 1975 by Umar Kayam in the context of the New Order period in Indonesia (1966-1998). This thesis discusses in what ways are gender ideologies infused within fictional character building, as the subjectivity of a fictional character is objectified and controlled by its author. On the one hand, I look into Bawuk as it encompasses the cultural, social and political dominant narratives about the female gender in Indonesia in the sixties. On the other hand, this research ultimately questions the limits of linear literary interpretation by offering a different proposition to look at Bawuk, rooted in aesthetic literary theory. Through analysing gender narratives within this novel, my research integrates literature as a fully active agent of political ideologies as well as a space for transforming and re-appropriating gender constructs.Show less
This paper examines why the Indonesian government has a vested interest in protecting the current practice of Balinese Hinduism. It argues that the Indonesian government wants to protect Balinese...Show moreThis paper examines why the Indonesian government has a vested interest in protecting the current practice of Balinese Hinduism. It argues that the Indonesian government wants to protect Balinese Hinduism from external influences, because the tourism industry in Bali is extremely profitable and valuable to the Indonesian economy. Since it has been observed that tourists mainly come to Bali for its religious-cultural artifacts and heritage, it can be contested that invoking the monotheistic element of Pancasila justifies Balinese Hinduism’s continued existence as a unique religion and culture that should be preserved and protected from external influences such as radical Islam and Indian Hinduism. Therefore, this thesis has used secondary data analysis and qualitative research to prove that the tourist industry in Bali is very profitable and essential for the Indonesian economy and that different political strategies were employed to ensure that the Indonesian government can benefit from the preservation of Bali’s monotheistic hinduism.Show less
The World Health Organisation has estimated that smoking kills approximately 7 million people per year worldwide (WHO, 2017: 70). The relationship between smoking tobacco and death has been proven,...Show moreThe World Health Organisation has estimated that smoking kills approximately 7 million people per year worldwide (WHO, 2017: 70). The relationship between smoking tobacco and death has been proven, and widely accepted for decades. Notwithstanding the detrimental effects on public health, this unhealthy habit may also have some positive effects: oiling social contacts, easing the nerves, and heighten concentration (Knol in Colombijn et al., 2001: 49). However, whereas concentration and relaxation may be obtained through other means, a cure for death is yet to be found. As such, it is clear that we shall approach the act of smoking in this thesis as unwanted behaviour. Thankfully, owning to big scale awareness campaigns, and an ongoing global increase in taxation rates, daily smoking rates in most OECD countries have significantly decreased over the past few decades, with currently an average rate of 18% of daily smokers, compared to 26% daily smokers in 2000 (OECD, 2017). In some parts of Asia however, smoking remains a growth market and big transnational tobacco corporations (TTCs) still seems to have their claws firmly set in a number of nations (Parkinson, 2015). In terms of male smoking prevalence, Indonesia is by far the world’s worst performer with a national male smoking prevalence of 76.2%, leaving other bad examples, like Russia (59.0%), and China (47.6%) far behind (WHO, 2015). When accounting for the significantly lower female smoking rates (3.6%) Indonesia’s average smoking prevalence is still one of the highest in the world, preceded only by Russia, and a mere handful of countries in the Balkan region and the Pacific Ocean (Ibid.). This apparent vulnerability to the unhealthy habbit has not gone unnoticed by big tobacco, illustrated by the recent takeovers of Indonesian tobacco companies by global market leaders like Philip Morris International (PMI) and the British American Tobacco Company (BAT). Another factor contributing to the alarming severity of Indonesia’s smoking addiction are its demographic projections. Indonesia is currently sitting on a large demographic dividend, and the population is projected to grow with another 70 million by 2050 (Kohler, Behrman & Arianto, 2015: 4). Seeing that most beginner smokers are children or young adolescents, it is paramount that this surplus of human capital is protected in a country were smoking regulations are still below par (Parkinson, 2015). An alarming study found that between 2001 and 2010, the number of children (10-14) who smoked, rose by 80 percent and the number of children (5-9), who started smoking, quadrupled (Rosser, 2015: 69). A more recent study, by the Indonesian Ministry of Health, showed that between 2013 and 2018, smoking prevalence among children (10-18) increased from 7.2% to 9.1% (Ministry of Health, 2018: 72), and the 2015 Global School-based Student Health Survey calculated an even more alarming number for the age group 13-17 at 13.60% smoking prevalence (WHO, 2015: 5). A slightly less pronounced, though, still alarming increase in young smokers. In order to explain the uphill battle which Indonesia seems to be fighting in the face of such a major public health crisis, I will compare Indonesia’s performance with one of its Southeast Asian neighbours boasting far lower numbers in terms of smoking prevalence, namely Thailand. In 2018, Thailand solidified its position as the leader in tobacco restrictions, when it became the first Asian country to require a standardized packaging for all cigarettes. The new legislation requires all cigarette products to be sold in drab brown coloured packs, free of any logos or brand images, with 85 percent pictorial health warnings on both sides of the pack (Southeast Asia Tobacco Control Alliance, 2018). It has been suggested by Thai specialists, like Duncan McCargo, that Thailand’s successes in tobacco control could serve as a case study for other developing nations (Chantornvong & McCargo, 2001: 48; Parkinson, 2015: 3). And indeed, in contrast to Indonesia, were men still puff away freely in almost any given location whether it be in a restaurant, air-conditioned coffeehouse, or school, Thailand seems well able to keep smoking outside of most public places, with heavy fines (a penalty fee for smoking in prohibited areas amounts to THB 5.000, although at the time of writing, the previous fee of THB 2000 is still in use), a number of awareness campaigns, and a national ban on advertisement. Don’t walk and smoke It is already past 2:00 a.m. when we exit the big 24/7 supermarket with a new drab coloured pack of cigarettes. Bangkok, the city that never sleeps, seems to have fallen into a bit of a slumber around the usually bustling street of Ekkamai. Located close to Sukkumvit road, most of the activity in this part of one of the richer districts in Bangkok seems to shut its eye’s around 1:00 a.m. The party continues further north up the street, where Soi Ekkamai meets Thong Lor on a small strip that forms a bridge between Bangkok’s wealthy sons and daughters of media tycoons, business moguls, and the handful of foreign tourists who dared venture outside the backpackers capital that is Khaosan road. Sand, who I regard as an example of emancipated female Bangkokians, looks at the fresh merchandise in my hand. We both light one up. As I am about to head into the direction of my apartment she stops me. “Ee, mai dai! (cannot)” She says. I ask her what seems to be the problem. “It’s just not polite”. She looks at the few people still hanging around the supermarket. Seconds after we light the cigarettes two people exiting the supermarket cross our path, making Sand throw an apologetic look into their direction.Show less
