This thesis explores the layers of meaning of resistance represented in protest art inspired by the Woman, life, freedom movement that erupted in Iran in 2022 after the death of Mahsa Amini in the...Show moreThis thesis explores the layers of meaning of resistance represented in protest art inspired by the Woman, life, freedom movement that erupted in Iran in 2022 after the death of Mahsa Amini in the hands of the morality police. This thesis engages with themes such as performativity, martyrdom, and intersectionality.Show less
This thesis tries to research the JCPOA and the German / French official and medial reaction to it and to establish a connection of this with the state of European foreign policy.
The country of Iran is currently governed by an Islamic regime and religion is a significant notion not only in the ruling system but also in the social and private life of the citizens. The field...Show moreThe country of Iran is currently governed by an Islamic regime and religion is a significant notion not only in the ruling system but also in the social and private life of the citizens. The field of linguistic landscape concerns the visibility and salience of languages on all the signs in a given territory or region and the landscape of cities as social constructs are deeply affected by the two forces: the governments from the top and the people from the bottom. This research explores the religious signs in the linguistic landscape of the city of Najafabad in Iran. The aim of this research is to see how religion manifests in the city and how it functions in the landscape of the city. In order to conduct the research, the signs with religious content are collected, and studied in terms of language use, font, theme and agency. The results reveal that the number of top-down signs surpasses the bottom-up signs. In analysis, it is concluded that in the landscape of the city of Najafabad, religion functions as an ideological tool for managing the landscape and promoting the ideology among the citizens.Show less
This thesis researched if there is a media bias present in English language media when reporting on Iran’s nuclear program in 2021. Ten articles from The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal,...Show moreThis thesis researched if there is a media bias present in English language media when reporting on Iran’s nuclear program in 2021. Ten articles from The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, The Guardian, and The Times (UK) were carefully selected for this research. Resulting in forty articles in total (N=40) that were part of the content analysis. All four newspapers tended to have a negative bias toward Iran’s nuclear program in 2021, although to varying degrees. This thesis found that The Wall Street Journal had the most bias, followed by The New York Times and The Guardian, ending with The Times (UK) having the least amount of bias.Show less
Intelligence agencies have been traditionally depicted as rogue elements within the state apparatus. In this thesis, I assess the validity of this alleged independent agency during the ‘Golden Age’...Show moreIntelligence agencies have been traditionally depicted as rogue elements within the state apparatus. In this thesis, I assess the validity of this alleged independent agency during the ‘Golden Age’ of convert operations: the Cold War. Throughout the said period, more subversive and clandestine activities became the norm instead of the erstwhile use of direct military force. The two most active Intelligence Agencies of the period, the CIA and the KGB were key actors in supporting and executing government overthrows mostly throughout the Third World. The two case studies I examine are the CIA coup against the Mohammed Mossadegh government in Iran in 1953 and the KGB overthrow of Hafizullah Amin in Afghanistan in 1979. However, my concern is not only the agencies’ role in carrying out the coups d’état but how they influenced the decision-making process within their foreign policy making bodies (the US National Security Council and the Soviet Politburo) to make these coups happen in the first place. By using the Bureaucratic Politics paradigm and other theoretical tools regarding the execution of coups d’état I underline how these intelligence agencies not only carried them but also were the main agents provocateurs behind the decision to intervene.Show less
The reforms of Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman are already well established in the historiography, both domestically and externally. Nevertheless, the association of his reforms...Show moreThe reforms of Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman are already well established in the historiography, both domestically and externally. Nevertheless, the association of his reforms with Mohammed bin Salman's need to demonstrate his ability to rule and his legitimacy to become King of Saudi Arabia in the future has received little attention. The thesis focuses primarily on Mohammed bin Salman's controversial rise to power within the Saudi family and his increased anti-Iranian foreign policy since his appointment as Defense Minister in 2015. The innovative character of the thesis is in the more precise analysis of this anti-Iranian policy by taking three case studies, respectively, the policy exercised by Mohammed bin Salman towards Iran but also Yemen and Qatar. The main argument is that he undertakes this more hostile foreign policy because he needs to show his ability to rule, his power in the region and especially his legitimacy to become future King of the Kingdom.Show less
This thesis analyses the determinants, of Iranian foreign policy towards the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia within, the regional sub-system, of the Middle East. Iranian foreign policy approach during two...Show moreThis thesis analyses the determinants, of Iranian foreign policy towards the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia within, the regional sub-system, of the Middle East. Iranian foreign policy approach during two regional crises- the- Bahraini and the Yemeni one- varies greatly and raises questions about the rationale of Iranian foreign policy towards Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. This research tries to explain why Islamic Republic of Iran chose a militant approach in the Yemeni crisis whilst it opted for a passive approach in the Bahraini crisis. Furthermore, it seeks to discover what is the nature and the causality of Iran’s militant option in Yemen. This work is a qualitative research which use the case study of Yemeni Civil War, as a pattern of analysis. Through the lens of structural realism this research argues that the Iranian foreign policy posture towards Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is defensive in nature, and is aimed at the Iranian state’s survival and security maximization.Show less
Expansion of China's sphere of influence in Iran reflects a small episode of a larger picture on the global scale, a process by which China is rapidly devouring the world’s natural resources to...Show moreExpansion of China's sphere of influence in Iran reflects a small episode of a larger picture on the global scale, a process by which China is rapidly devouring the world’s natural resources to feed its growing domestic economy and, conversely, is pumping huge amounts of goods and capital out into the world economy. By focusing on the historical evolution process of Chinese investments in plenty of projects and its interests in expanding infrastructure networks in Iran, this thesis inquiry into the economic and political implications of Chinese investments in Iran. The objective is to explore and analyze how this process will be accompanied by two distinct but intertwined geoeconomic and geopolitical consequences: (a) intensify the integration of Iran's economy in China’s global and regional economic projects in accordance with maximizing the process of its domestic capital accumulation and, simultaneously, (b) preserving the configuration of uneven development of Iran’s capitalism through becoming a subordinated economy to meet the requirements of China’s economic development, which leads, however, to the strengthening and consolidation of China’s hegemony and influence as a superior power. Criticizing the mainstream state-centric approach and applying the dialectical method, the Marxist theory deal with the process of internal contradictions, expansion-oriented, and the accumulation-driven tendency of capital as the innermost driving force of the capitalist production and the associated power relations and ongoing competitions between the states and enterprises in the capitalist world-system.Show less
This exploratory research deals with identity discourses in Iran in relation to the Islamic Republic's foreign policy. The four identity discourses - Iranism, Islam, anti-hegemony and...Show moreThis exploratory research deals with identity discourses in Iran in relation to the Islamic Republic's foreign policy. The four identity discourses - Iranism, Islam, anti-hegemony and hyperindependence are examined based on contemporary studies on this topic.Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
open access
Al-Hashd al-Shaʿbi or the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) is an umbrella of armed groups in Iraq that united in 2014 in cooperation with the government in order to defeat IS. Officially, the...Show moreAl-Hashd al-Shaʿbi or the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) is an umbrella of armed groups in Iraq that united in 2014 in cooperation with the government in order to defeat IS. Officially, the organization is under the control of the Prime-Minister (PM). In reality, however, it has retained operational and administrative independence, often directly ignoring orders from the PM and even attacking foreign forces in Iraq and the region. This thesis addresses the question of how the PMF has been able to retain much of its independence throughout the six years of its existence, in which the government has often attempted to rein it in. It also considers the implications of the PMF’s independence for the notion of the sovereignty of the Iraqi government. It finds that the PMF is not a singular organization, but rather a collective of independent groups that vie with each other for funding, influence, and power. The key grouping within the PMF is that of the Iranian-backed Hashd. Many other PMF groups rely on this alliance because of its control of the PMF’s central administration, which distributes funding. Iran and its allies in Iraq benefit from the PMF’s independence from potentially anti-Iranian PMs, and the cover and plausible deniability that the lack of oversight grants them. This is abetted by the support the PMF enjoys in the Iraqi parliament through its own presence there, and through political opportunists or pro-Iranian ideologues. The PMF uses its military, social, and political power to actively undermine the government in different ways. Iraq’s security sector can only properly be understood as an ‘armed political order’ in which different actors and groupings continuously vie for influence in violent and non-violent ways. The office of the PM is one venue for contestation, and the person of the PM only one of its actors. Coercive organizations of all sorts participate in this contestation. An anti-governmental Hashd group is not inherently different in this regard than a unit of the Iraqi Army. Its position is different because of the different structural constraints on both groups, and their alignment towards the government. The competition between the different Hashd groups and the recent protests which led to the appointment of PM al-Kadhimi indicate that no one – including the pro-Iranian camp – is truly dominant in the Iraqi armed order.Show less
The Iranian Revolution of 1979 had a profound effect on the Middle East and the rest of the world. The major world powers at the time, the US and the Soviet Union, followed the revolution closely....Show moreThe Iranian Revolution of 1979 had a profound effect on the Middle East and the rest of the world. The major world powers at the time, the US and the Soviet Union, followed the revolution closely. Past research has examined both powers' responses to the revolution and the outcomes of these responses. However, this research was very much a product of its time, and was therefore coloured by Cold War interests and ideologies. This thesis uses discourse analysis of the Soviet Union's two largest newspapers, Pravda and Izvestia, to map the USSR's response to this new development in the Middle East, and contextualises this response within the framework of Soviet state ideology.Show less
The thesis investigated if the Chinese Belt Road Initiative has brought changes in trade and investment to the economies of Saudi Arabia and Iran. Quantitative data was collected from a myriad of...Show moreThe thesis investigated if the Chinese Belt Road Initiative has brought changes in trade and investment to the economies of Saudi Arabia and Iran. Quantitative data was collected from a myriad of resources to compare the levels of trade and investment between 2010-2018. Overall, BRI has not brought changes to the economies as world affairs are a much stronger force that affect the countries and their ability to grow and develop.Show less
