Every year, Morocco sends hundreds of imams to different countries in Europe during Ramadan to support the local Moroccan community. They are sent by the Foundation Hassan II, a foundation...Show moreEvery year, Morocco sends hundreds of imams to different countries in Europe during Ramadan to support the local Moroccan community. They are sent by the Foundation Hassan II, a foundation safeguarding the cultural and religious identity of the diaspora. This research focuses on this institution and examines the ways in which religion is manifested in foreign policy in relation to the diaspora in the Netherlands. This is done by analyzing a national policy called the Stratégie Nationale en faveur des Marocains du Monde by the Ministère chargé des Marocains Résidant à l’Etranger et des Affaires de la Migration. In the case of the Netherlands, religion is mainly manifested by sending religious personnel and materials. In general, Morocco emphasizes a return transnationalism within its policy by motivating contributing to the country’s development, but also return to Morocco. This return transnationalism was first visible in the terminology that Morocco used to refer to the migrants which were underlinging the economic purposes of the migration. This later evolved into a term that also emphasized cultural and religious elements. Furthermore, various institutions were found to represent the interests of the diaspora, including the Fondation, but this system is not flawless because their cooperation can be ineffective. The study also covers the invention of “Moroccan Islam” as a colonial construct and the Moroccan interpretation of Islam that consist of four pillars. These pillars are also visible in the Strategy for example by emphasizing the Maliki Madhhab or moderate nature of the Moroccan interpretation of Islam.Show less
Een overzicht van de Marokkaanse Nederlanders en de veranderingen in hun religie. De ontwikkeling van de traditioneel Marokkaanse Islam naar een Salafistische.
This thesis compares two novels in their portrayal of Muslimas. The two novels that are discussed are Salman Rushdie's The Satanic Verses and Nadeem Aslam's Maps for Lost Lovers. The thesis argues...Show moreThis thesis compares two novels in their portrayal of Muslimas. The two novels that are discussed are Salman Rushdie's The Satanic Verses and Nadeem Aslam's Maps for Lost Lovers. The thesis argues that Rushdie applies inaccurate representations of Islam and Muslimas in his novel. Moreover, his novel misuses Ayesha's historical figure and feminizes several different aspects of the religion. It concludes that Rushdie often writes about women, but never from the perspective of these women. Aslam's novel, on the other hand, allocates a lot more time to the female characters and their perspectives. However, it must also be noted that Aslam's portrayal of Islam - and along with that, Muslimas - is heavily Pakistani-oriented, in its most conservative form. Lastly, evident similarities and differences between the two novels were discussed. Here, the thesis concludes that both novels brought about a similar societal effect - namely heightening feelings of Islamophobia -, despite their different approaches to the subject.Show less
In 2009 during the excavation of Udhruh, a Byzantine church in southern Jordan, an ensemble of fifteen limestone blocks were found, out of situ. They featured symbols, which have yet to be...Show moreIn 2009 during the excavation of Udhruh, a Byzantine church in southern Jordan, an ensemble of fifteen limestone blocks were found, out of situ. They featured symbols, which have yet to be researched. It is important to pin-point the original locations of the blocks as this will enlarge our understanding of the church and because the location of the blocks could also assist in understanding the engraved symbols, which could be other than Christian in nature. The church and attached town maintained an autonomous Christian community while being controlled by multiple Islamic powers for at least six centuries. This raises questions relating to the presupposed tenuous Muslim-Christian relations in the region. The Levant and Middle East as a whole have long been described as historically unstable as a result of religious tension, but the existence of the church provides a counterargument against this notion. The pin-pointing of the location of the blocks has been done through 3D-analysis, in which the surface condition, the orientation and the curvature of the blocks were determined. The symbols have been analysed by method of 3D analysis and a literature study, focussing on early Christian symbolism. The research concludes that the blocks are divided into a more homogeneous group, the “true” blocks, and three miscellaneous blocks. The true blocks have similar dimensions and attributes. Analysis points to an elevated, semi-suspended original location within a straight wall, probably in the aisles or nave of the core basilica, which is the oldest part of the church. Another object displayed clear curvature and was determined to be part of an archway. The symbols on the blocks are without a doubt Christian in nature, but not all early Christian. The geometrical pattern have been determined to likely be decorative, instead of symbolic. Whereas the shell and the crosses hold symbolic meaning. Out of the three types of crosses, two are also linked to the Crusader period. This could provide evidence for the continued use of the church during the Abbasid, Fatimid and Ayyubid periods, an epoch of which still not much is known concerning Udhruh.Show less
Het sultanaat Banten kende na de stichting in de zestiende eeuw een turbulente geschiedenis die zich liet kenmerken door interne conflicten binnen de bovenlaag van de Bantense bevolking in een...Show moreHet sultanaat Banten kende na de stichting in de zestiende eeuw een turbulente geschiedenis die zich liet kenmerken door interne conflicten binnen de bovenlaag van de Bantense bevolking in een periode voordat de VOC een grote rol kreeg in Zuidoost-Azië. Deze scriptie gaat op zoek naar de oorzaak achter de interne conflicten en hierbij zet de spelers in Banten en hun motivaties uiteen. De Bantense conflicten uitten zich langs de lijnen van steeds terugkomende tegenstellingen tussen de havenstad en deShow less
The exceptional stability of the Moroccan monarchy during turbulent periods such as the protests of the F20 movement and the protests of the Hirak movement is intriguing. During the Arab Spring,...Show moreThe exceptional stability of the Moroccan monarchy during turbulent periods such as the protests of the F20 movement and the protests of the Hirak movement is intriguing. During the Arab Spring, the monarchy was the only country in North Africa that has kept the same head of state. Researchers are inclined to explain the stability of Morocco by analyzing the political strategies of the state and the monarchy. But what is often overlooked in the study of the Arab Spring in Morocco is the people. The Moroccan people remained relatively calm. The protests in Morocco were not as widespread as the protests in the rest of North Africa and the Middle East. In addition, the protesters' demands were aimed at reform, not revolution. How come the people of Morocco had different demands than the rest of North Africa? When considering the exceptional stability of the country, the country's particular characteristics must also be considered. Because not only is Morocco the only monarchy in North Africa; the country also has an extra religious dimension, because it is an emirate. To what extent did the king's religious title play a role in limiting the demonstrations in Morocco? To what extent has the king's religious legitimacy been used as a strategy to maintain peace in troubled times? And to what extent has the media been used as an instrument for this religious legitimacy? This research will examine to what extent the above-mentioned issues have had an impact on the demonstrators during the Moroccan spring. A content analysis of newsarticles from the Arab Spring period will be conducted. In addition, interviews will be conducted with protesters.Show less
Freedom of movement is a human right. Yet, one might question to what extent certain human rights, specifically freedom of movement, are protected for all human beings. Even though liberal...Show moreFreedom of movement is a human right. Yet, one might question to what extent certain human rights, specifically freedom of movement, are protected for all human beings. Even though liberal societies tend to offer their citizens freedom of movement in order to protect the aforementioned human right, this appears to be mainly important for one’s own society’s citizens, rather than assuring that this human right is safeguarded for every human being. As a result, some passports already determine the national's “unfreedom” of movement. This research will focus on the role of religion, and how this could possibly influence the power of passports and freedom of movement, as seen with the Muslim Ban. Hence, this thesis will research whether there exists such a thing as a “Muslim” passport by comparing the passport power of Jordan and Cameroon.Show less
This thesis examines the views of Khomeini, Shariati and Motahhari on several aspects of womanhood such as gender equality and marriage. Furthermore, it examines which of these ideas have been...Show moreThis thesis examines the views of Khomeini, Shariati and Motahhari on several aspects of womanhood such as gender equality and marriage. Furthermore, it examines which of these ideas have been translated into the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. By understanding which religious figures have been influential and which laws dictate the lives of women, I have tried to understand what is expected from women and what their position in society is. The constitution of Iran was an important source to understand the framework in which the position of women is decided. A critical review of the ideas of the three religious figures show that there are several problems with the translation of their ideas and the notion of equality as presented in the constitution into practice. Women in fact do not have the same rights as their male counterparts as the constitution states. Examples of this are the mandatory hijab and unequal divorce rights. Furthermore, there is a lot of intentional vagueness in the constitution in order to limit the rights of women. The thesis concludes that it has been mostly the ideas of Khomeini and Motahhari have been implemented into the constitution. Shariati’s ideas, that can be categorized as more modern and socialist than the other two religious figures, have been implemented to a lesser extent. Khomeini, Motahhari and Shariati all agree men and women have equal rights. However, the implementation of this into practice is problematic.Show less
De term renegaten wordt gebruikt om de vroegmoderne Europese bekeerlingen tot de islam mee te duiden. Zij zijn typische figuren in de mediterrane geschiedenis van de zestiende tot de achttiende...Show moreDe term renegaten wordt gebruikt om de vroegmoderne Europese bekeerlingen tot de islam mee te duiden. Zij zijn typische figuren in de mediterrane geschiedenis van de zestiende tot de achttiende eeuw’ en waren over de gehele Noord-Afrikaanse kust te vinden. De renegaten konden, door hun kennis van zowel de christelijke als de islamitische wereld, een belangrijke diplomatieke rol op zich nemen en waren vaak van cruciaal belang bij het vrijkopen van Nederlandse gevangenen en slaven in Noord-Afrika. De bekeerlingen werkten nauw samen met verschillende Nederlandse handelsvertegenwoordigers of diplomatieke agenten en vormden de onmisbare schakel tussen Noord-Afrikaanse sultanaten en de Staten-Generaal. Ondanks deze fundamentele hulp konden de renegaten, zo leert de literatuur ons, wegens hun bekering in hun vaderland nauwelijks op begrip of tolerantie rekenen. Bij terugkeer naar de Republiek stond hen alles behalve en warm welkom te wachten doordat ze werden gezien en behandeld als uitschot en landverraders. Onmisbaar maar tegelijkertijd ook ongewenst: de literatuur schetst een ingewikkeld en paradoxaal beeld van de renegaat op het vroegmoderne toneel. Dit negatieve stereotype valt namelijk niet te rijmen met de functies die renegaten in de realiteit bekleedden. Een verklaring zou kunnen zijn dat de beeldvorming rondom de bekeerlingen onderhevig was aan verandering. Hierdoor zouden renegaten al een belangrijke diplomatieke positie hebben veiliggesteld voordat de Nederlandse kijk op hen verslechterde. De huidige literatuur geeft nog geen antwoord op de vraag of die verandering er inderdaad was, dus dit onderzoek stelt zich ten doel dat te onderzoeken.Show less
Bachelor thesis | South and Southeast Asian Studies (BA)
closed access
In recent years Indonesia faced some challenges with regards to feminism and Islam. Islam and feminism are two terms which are assumed to be incompatible according to the Muslim community. Before...Show moreIn recent years Indonesia faced some challenges with regards to feminism and Islam. Islam and feminism are two terms which are assumed to be incompatible according to the Muslim community. Before the start of the Jokowi-era in 2014 the Indonesian feminist movement was gradually taking place and Indonesian Islam was modestly acquainted with feminism. This progressive spirit reached its peak with the implementation by the government of the 30% gender quota in 2004 with which women obtained more political involvement. This showed that the government aimed at empowering women and strived for more gender equality. Until recently a mildly progressive development with respect to women’s participation is still taking place. Several other organizations and institutions support the pro-feminist movement. Yet, as it is, the feminist progressive spirit has also known a certain backlash since 2014. In this thesis my research will show how the relation between Islam and feminism in Indonesia has changed during the last 5 years and consequently what challenges the Indonesian religious feminist movement is facing. I will focus on the recent events, struggles and the coinciding ongoing debates. Firstly, I will focus on the by government implemented gender quota system and its pitfalls. Secondly, I will briefly discuss the various organizations and institutions that contribute to Indonesian feminist movement and are linked to the recent KUPI-congress which provides us information about the specific Indonesian ‘religious’ feminist movement. Thirdly, I will cover the debate about the Elimination of the Sexual Violence Bill which gives us insights in what the pro-feminist spirit and the anti-feminist wave have to contend with. Finally, I will discuss the Islamic sources and the contextual interpretation of the scriptures that dictate how Indonesian women should dress in the public sphere and act in in the political arena. These different aspects of my research will answer the question: “How has the relation between Islam and feminism changed since the start of the Jokowi-era in 2014?” Show less
In order to add to the academic and societal debate on Salafism, this thesis will approach the topic of Salafism in the Netherlands from both a philosophical and a political perspective through the...Show moreIn order to add to the academic and societal debate on Salafism, this thesis will approach the topic of Salafism in the Netherlands from both a philosophical and a political perspective through the question “To what extent are Salafi’s rejecting Dutch Enlightenment ideals and does this weaken these ideals in society?”. Instead of focusing on the possible jihadi/terrorist threat Salafism might pose, like most previous research on European Salafism, the stances of Salafi’s on Dutch society will be analysed, and what effect this has on society. This will be done through researching the representation of Enlightenment values in Dutch political manifesto’s before and after the rise of Salafism in the Netherlands.. The thesis concludes that Salafism is a largely diverse group which rejects Enlightenment values to various degrees. Furthermore it concludes that Salafism has strengthened these Enlightenment ideals in the Netherlands, as the political manifesto’s represent Enlightenment values in a much stronger manner after the rise of Dutch Salafism.Show less
Although the USSR often claimed to promote equality in relations with other peoples, this has frequently been shown to be untrue. Specifically, in the case of the USSR's relationship with the...Show moreAlthough the USSR often claimed to promote equality in relations with other peoples, this has frequently been shown to be untrue. Specifically, in the case of the USSR's relationship with the Caucasus through the use of Orientalist tropes. So, using Edward Said's theoretical framework of Orientalism, the question "How have constructions of Orientalist discourses of the Caucasus changed from the Soviet Union to the Russian Federation?" was investigated in the context of Leonid Gaidai's 1967 film "Kidnapping, Caucasian Style" and Alexei Uchitel's 2008 film "Captive". These constructions have primarily changed along 5 Orientalist tropes. First, tropes of 'backwardness' have remained, though they have shifted from a focus on lack of modern technologies and customs to tropes of either a disorganized band of people in some cases or a militant and violent group in others. Second, representations of alcoholism, as a means of showing a lack of faith in Islam as well as an overly textual approach to understanding it, have remained largely unchanged over time. Third, portrayals of the Caucasus as a feminized "Other" have changed over time. Although feminine aspects have remained as justifying Soviet and Russian intervention in the region. Fourth, the exotic aspect of the Caucasus, though very present in Soviet portrayals, has largely faded from Russian Orientalist representations. Finally, Soviet and, especially, Russian Orientalism portray the Caucasus as being in a state of nature, as a wild and mysterious land that is inherently hostile to Russians. Thus, although constructions of Orientalist discourse have changed in some aspects and remained similar in others, their use as a means of justifying Soviet and Russian presence remains strongly similar and Orientalist.Show less
