This thesis examines how states try to evade accountability through denying accusations of human rights violations. It aims to fill the gap in the existing literature by analysing which stigma...Show moreThis thesis examines how states try to evade accountability through denying accusations of human rights violations. It aims to fill the gap in the existing literature by analysing which stigma rejection strategies are most applied by states, and how successful these strategies are for evading accountability. This research project consists of an in-depth discourse analysis of the case of Israel and their response to human rights violations in the occupied Palestinian territories. It does so according to a threefold analysis focussed on identifying (1) the accusations towards Israel, (2) Israel’s response to those accusations and (3) the outcome of that response. The analysis shows a consistent engagement of Israel with various forms of denial, which indicates that they do not have a clear preference on which stigma rejection strategies to adopt. The outcome of Israel’s response is unsuccessful in the sense that Israel does not manage to change the narrative of other states and persuade them of their innocence. The use of stigma rejection strategies can thus not be seen as a leading or direct cause for evading accountability.Show less
This research seeks to analyze the current hydropolitical relationship between Israel and Jordan in the light of the Declaration of Intent, agreed upon in November 2021. The agreement entails a...Show moreThis research seeks to analyze the current hydropolitical relationship between Israel and Jordan in the light of the Declaration of Intent, agreed upon in November 2021. The agreement entails a collaboration between the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, the State of Israel and the United Arab Emirates on water and energy issues. While the literature on hydropolitics has mainly focused on the connection between water scarcity on the one hand, and conflict or cooperation, on the other, this study moves beyond this dichotomy by applying a mixed method of environmental peacebuilding and hydro-hegemony to the case-study. Built on theoretical analysis and including historical aspects, the international, regional and domestic context as well as the concept of asymmetrical power and discursive power, the research looks beyond elite interests and traditional theories of international relations. While the analysis identifies the envisaged cooperation from the water-for-energy deal as a form of technical environmental cooperation, the findings also stress the ambiguity in Jordan’s behavior and the underlying dynamics of power asymmetry, reinforced by the role of external actors and the use of dominant discourses.Show less
For 20 years, studies have been underlining a decrease in the attachment of young diaspora Jews with the State of Israel. While a broad majority of young Jews supports the existence of a Jewish...Show moreFor 20 years, studies have been underlining a decrease in the attachment of young diaspora Jews with the State of Israel. While a broad majority of young Jews supports the existence of a Jewish state in Palestine, an increasing minority develops an opposition to Israeli policies, especially concerning the occupation of Palestinian Territories. As Jewish organisations advocating for Palestinian rights flourish in the Western world, where the Jewish diaspora is in majority located, the process according to which young Jews are increasingly distancing themselves from an Israeli- centred Jewish identity seems important to inquire. Indeed, growing diaspora support for a just political solution to the Middle East conflict might have empiric repercussions on the Israeli government. Therefore, this thesis seeks to inquire the identification process of young progressive Jews in France and Britain relating to the Zionist project, and aims at answering the following question: What drives critical French and British Jewish youth’s identification choices in the construction of a non-Israel centric identity? This paper argues that young Jews self-identify in a nexus between the Jewish community, overwhelmingly Zionist, and external norms and values of human rights and social justice, which creates conflicting dynamics. When left-wing values out-weight the community’s narrative, it creates or strengthens a feeling of alienation among progressive Jewish youth, that is slowly turning into criticism and distancing from the State of Israel. This youth, therefore, seeks to navigate new spaces of identification and revive a Jewish identity able to reconcile this internal struggle. To demonstrate so, this thesis will firstly conceptualise identity and discuss historical debates on Jewish identity. It will then analyse the distancing hypothesis, and the debates it created among scholars about its accuracy and potential factors. In the last two chapters, it will study the self- identification process of four young British and French Jews advocating for Palestinian rights. Through life-long interviews dealing with their attitudes towards a Zionist Jewish identity, this paper underlines the dynamics characterising their progressive alienation from the State of Israel: a primary discomfort, followed by a de-Zionification process, creating important fractures with friends, families, and their Jewishness, and finally the identification with a revived diasporic identity, able to reconcile Jewishness and anti-Zionism.Show less
Catalogues have been a staple library feature for the last several centuries, a useful finding tool for readers and organizational aid for librarians; they are also a representation of a particular...Show moreCatalogues have been a staple library feature for the last several centuries, a useful finding tool for readers and organizational aid for librarians; they are also a representation of a particular place and time. The form and content of a catalogue can provide insights into the social norms and scholarly interests of the era in which it was created. Employing a longitudinal and comparative approach, this thesis examines the published catalogues of Leiden University Library’s Hebrew manuscripts collection throughout its four centuries of existence. I compare these catalogues, mark the differences in the ways they describe Hebrew manuscripts, and illuminate the social changes or emerging scholarly fields that likely influenced their creators. Throughout this thesis, I argue that when it comes to Hebrew manuscripts, any examination of historical cataloguing trends or choices cannot be complete without also considering that era’s societal attitudes toward Jews, the original creators of the language and texts contained in said manuscripts. I conclude that there exists a direct correlation between the quality of the catalogues’ manuscript descriptions and the cataloguer’s knowledge of the Hebrew language and of Jewish literature and culture; I extrapolate the implications of this conclusion for the future of manuscript cataloguing in the digital age.Show less
Master thesis | Crisis and Security Management (MSc)
open access
Freshwater is an essential yet scarce good, that is predicted to only become scarcer because of climate change and growing populations. In addition, freshwater in rivers is often shared between...Show moreFreshwater is an essential yet scarce good, that is predicted to only become scarcer because of climate change and growing populations. In addition, freshwater in rivers is often shared between multiple countries. Despite multiple predictions by scholars and experts, states often do not go to war over freshwater. Instead, most disputes end in the signing of a treaty. However, these treaties are not always fair and do not, actually, always end conflict. In the view of this research, treaties are merely a way in which states fight, without using violence, and should thus be seen as a part of ongoing conflict, rather than the end of it. In addition, despite theoretical predictions, international organisations do not play a large role in the creation of River Basin Organisations and neither do hydrohegemons.Show less
In 2015 former president Reuven Rivlin claimed that Israel needs a redefinition of Israeliness to preserve the Israeli society. According to him, a new national identity must be created, with which...Show moreIn 2015 former president Reuven Rivlin claimed that Israel needs a redefinition of Israeliness to preserve the Israeli society. According to him, a new national identity must be created, with which all citizens can identify. When looking at the Israeli educational system, it becomes apparent that such a redefinition is necessary. As multiple studies have shown, the Arab- Palestinian community in Israel is not only marginalized in terms of the quality of the educational system, but also with regards to the contents of the education, mainly -but not limited to- in the field of history education, which amongst others ignore Palestinian perspectives on the ongoing Arab-Israeli conflict and which deny Palestinian belonging to the country. As this thesis shows, bilingual schools in Israel offer a radical alternative historical narrative that includes Palestinian perspectives, that treats Jewish and Palestinian identities on an equal basis and that at the same time creates an overarching narrative (or if you wish Israeliness) which connects both communities. At the same time however, this thesis argues that the success of the alternative historical narrative at bilingual schools is limited due to the same inequalities the education tries to counter, namely the lack of classes on Palestinian/Middle Eastern history, the continuing dominance of Jewish-Israeli frameworks for teaching history and the dominance of the Hebrew language. Nonetheless, although progress can still be made, the alternative approach to education of bilingual schools provide an inspirational basis for redefining Jewish-Palestinian relationships in the future.Show less
This thesis focuses on the normalization between Bahrain, The United Arab Emirates and Israel, which was signed as the Abraham Accords in 2020. It tries to portray motivations from both Gulf States...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the normalization between Bahrain, The United Arab Emirates and Israel, which was signed as the Abraham Accords in 2020. It tries to portray motivations from both Gulf States to normalize their relationships with Israel while building on IR literature. It explores the ties between the states from an economic and security perspective.Show less
The role of economics in normalization agreements has gained increasing attention in academia throughout recent years. Yet it remains debated to what extent economic incentives drive bilateral...Show moreThe role of economics in normalization agreements has gained increasing attention in academia throughout recent years. Yet it remains debated to what extent economic incentives drive bilateral normalization agreements. This research problem will be investigated in the context of the Abraham Accords, a recently signed normalization agreement between Israel and the United Arab Emirates. Three empirical chapters analyze economic incentives that were present in 2020 in the spheres of trade & economic relations, finance & investment, and tourism & people mobility. Central research findings include firstly, the UAE’s economic diversification leads to a demand of modern technologies which fits into Israel’s characteristic as a tech-driven export economy. Secondly, the UAE’s reinvestment of petrodollars through foreign direct investments connects well to Israel’s start-up sector that relies on investments. Thirdly, (religious) tourism is not only of economic importance for both States, but people mobility is necessary to facilitate economic cooperation in the spheres of trade & economic relations and finance & investment. Based on these findings the main argument is that political-economic incentives in the spheres of trade & economic relations, finance & investment, and tourism & people mobility were the main driver for Israel and the UAE to sign the Abraham Accords. International Relations theory in the form of Realism, Liberalism, Constructivism, and Marxism is applied as the study’s theoretical framework to better understand the State behavior and decisions taken by Israel and the UAE. The study concludes that these research findings are significant to understand incentives for potential future normalization agreements, particularly between Israel and other Arab States.Show less
President Trump successfully secured the Republican vote in the US Presidential election of 2016. Donald Trump is notoriously not religious but he is seen as a vehicle to elevate the religious...Show morePresident Trump successfully secured the Republican vote in the US Presidential election of 2016. Donald Trump is notoriously not religious but he is seen as a vehicle to elevate the religious agenda in the political arena. In 2016, Donald Trump run a campaign that engaged with the evangelicals’ desire to restore social and cultural ‘morality’ in the public space and their desire to unwaveringly support Israel. Most of the scholarly debate on Trump’s stance on Israel is angled from a policy perspective, attributing his position to factors such as geopolitics, the influence of Biblical prophecy in American diplomacy, and the increased role of White Christian Nationalism in the political agenda. The research of this thesis will expand on the literature by exploring how Trump’s rhetoric and politics on Israel are used to appeal to his pro-Israel conservative base. The analysis of Trump’s rhetoric and political action using the tool of critical discourse analysis will provide insights between language, ideology, and power. President Trump’s language and political efforts concerning Israel appeal to the Christian evangelical base that makes up most of the Republican Party. Furthermore, Trump has enhanced the role of Christianity in politics, to promote the idea that progressive policies are incompatible with the American identity, and has established America’s relationship with Israel as an inherent value.Show less
Founded in 2005, BDS (Boycott Divestment and Sanctions) is a movement that opposes the policies of successive Israeli governments towards the Palestinians and organises protests against Israel in...Show moreFounded in 2005, BDS (Boycott Divestment and Sanctions) is a movement that opposes the policies of successive Israeli governments towards the Palestinians and organises protests against Israel in the cultural, economic, academic and political arenas. Since 2009, BDS has seen success in mainly western European states by concentrating its efforts and increasing its activity. Current research on BDS focuses on whether BDS is antisemitic and other studies have focused on the academic and cultural boycott of Israel. The extent of influence of BDS on European politicians and political parties has, however, been largely ignored. Therefore, this research aims to examine the political institutionalisation of BDS between 2009–2020 in the politics of three European states: the United Kingdom (UK), France and the Netherlands. A cross-case analysis is used to compare and analyse the institutionalisation of BDS in the three case states. This thesis found that the BDS movement is not deeply institutionalised in the politics of France, the Netherlands and the UK; rather, this research has found that both the successive governments and national parliaments of each country have rejected BDS. There is a difference however between France and the UK on the one hand, and the Netherlands on the other. France and the UK have advanced anti-BDS legislation while the Dutch government, in contrast to France and the UK, has chosen to allow BDS to continue its operations.Show less
A discovery of natural resources in your back garden. A blessing or a curse for the relationship with your neighbours? It is precisely this question that this paper is concerned with. Discoveries...Show moreA discovery of natural resources in your back garden. A blessing or a curse for the relationship with your neighbours? It is precisely this question that this paper is concerned with. Discoveries of enormous natural gas fields in the Eastern Mediterranean are having a paradigm shifting effect on the international relations of the region. Hence, the research question that drives this thesis is the following. What will the impact of the natural gas be on the international relations of the states of the Eastern Mediterranean? This paper will show that natural gas in the Eastern Mediterranean has led to greater cooperation and regionalisation and will continue to do so in the future. However, this paper will also show the limitations of the beneficial effects of cooperation over natural resources. The relevancy of this topic stems from it alluding to an important question, whether natural resources are a blessing or a curse. For many countries the discovery of natural resources has led to great wealth and development. However, for many others it has been a burden leading to less development and growth or even weakening democracy. Resources and the competition over them can also lead to conflict and it is this realm of the international political consequences of the resources that this paper is focused on.Show less
Constructivism has introduced a new perspective on International Relations (IR) which emphasizes ideational factors for the formation of state interests. Similarly, the so called ‘Emotional Turn’...Show moreConstructivism has introduced a new perspective on International Relations (IR) which emphasizes ideational factors for the formation of state interests. Similarly, the so called ‘Emotional Turn’ in IR advocates for an academic assessment of emotions in international politics and how the experience of feelings like humiliation, pride, anger shapes state behavior. This research aims to contribute to the Emotional Turn by proposing an academic assessment of the expression of victimhood as a dimension of a state’s identity using the case study of Israel. As IR theory is becoming more aware of ideational and emotional drivers of state action, conceptualizing victimhood in International Relations is an important endeavor. Victimhood is a social psychological concept describing a status or identity that the victim ascribes to themselves after suffering trauma. What are the emotional categories underlying a self-ascribed victimhood in Israel’s identity discourse towards international community? The methodological assessment employs Emotions Discourse Analysis to identify the categories and connotations of victimhood uttered in the speeches of Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu in his Annual Addresses to the UN General Assembly from 2015 to 2017. Understanding the emotional component of identity markers such as victimhood might offer policy makers new ways of reconciling ongoing conflicts and add to the ongoing debate on the impact of emotions in International Relations and discourse analysis.Show less
In my thesis, I argue that the end of the Cold War affected Israel’s role in the U.S. Middle East strategy. During the Cold War, this role was predominantly military. However, the end of the Cold...Show moreIn my thesis, I argue that the end of the Cold War affected Israel’s role in the U.S. Middle East strategy. During the Cold War, this role was predominantly military. However, the end of the Cold War changed this and as a result, this role was predominantly political and economic after the Cold War. I base my research on a combination of two theories: constructivism, an approach of International Relations (IR), and Historical Sociology (HS).Show less
