Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
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On the 17th of April 2019, Indonesia held the general elections. The President Joko Widodo (“Jokowi”) won 55,5% of the vote, beating the former general Prabowo Subianto representing Gerindra Party...Show moreOn the 17th of April 2019, Indonesia held the general elections. The President Joko Widodo (“Jokowi”) won 55,5% of the vote, beating the former general Prabowo Subianto representing Gerindra Party for the second time, the first in 2014. Less than two weeks after the victory, the re-elected President announced its intention to relocate the nation's capital from Jakarta, located in Java island, to a greenfield site on the island of Kalimantan. In this thesis, I use Twitter communication emanating from the Indonesian Ministry of National Development Planning and the office of the President to dissect the official rationale for this historic initiative and to investigate on the political and ideological discourse surrounding it. What is the Indonesian government trying to achieve through this project? What ideals and political priorities does it reflect? Is there consistency in the official discourse? My analysis is both quantitative and qualitative; it is quantitative because I used large numbers of tweets to measure the frequency which a variety of terms is used to describe both the desirable characteristics of the new capital, and the undesirable aspects of the old one. It is partly qualitative because I investigated and critically reflected on the results found on Twitter to understand better the motifs behind the decision of moving the capital, and be able to answer my research questions. The results show that Jakarta has been abandoned because it does not represent the Indonesian aspirations of modernity, reflected on the smart, sustainable and green imaginaries that the new capital will promote. Indeed, the tweet analysis revealed that these three elements are the most desirable features for the new capital of Indonesia and are the emblem of the type of modernity and progress that the Indonesian government is aspiring to. This is confirmed by the fact that the mentions to smart, green and sustainable are not clear nor justified. These terms appear to be used as buzzwords, almost as if it they were interchangeable. In conclusion, I argue that these features are all instrumental for expressing modernity and progress (Maju). This is the real objective of the government. “The city of dreams”, as I renamed it, imagines a flawless and perfect city, symbol of the progress of the whole country; the truth is that it is only a symbol, and the country will not progress in smartness, greenness, sustainability and equality if not through real policies and measures that tackle the local problems. Besides these attributes, the government claimed that the new capital would bring to more regional equality and economic growth. In this regard, the Indonesian government has also tweeted about Brasilia and its similarities with the new Indonesian capital, praising the design and the outcome of the project; like Brasilia, the new capital is seen as a means to cope with ongoing economic imbalance among the different regions of Indonesia. Although regional equality is, of course, an issue that the government needs to tackle, the increase of GDP outside Java will not benefit the whole population unless there is a real will to tackle inequality not only geographically but also across income groups. Besides, it is essential to remember that the gap between the rich and the poor in Jakarta is substantial and moving the capital will not represent a solution to this problem. Furthermore, the comparison with Brasilia was fundamental to notice a crucial vii paradox in the project of Ibu Kota Baru: by promoting a modern and futuristic capital, Ibu Kota Baru implicitly indicates a refusal of existing conditions of Indonesia, just as like Brasilia did. To conclude, it is important to mention that this thesis is about ideology. In essence, it does not seek to analyse the hidden personal interests and oligarchic business strategies on the project of the capital, although this has been briefly pointed out. The ultimate aim is to dissect the official rhetoric and rationale that surround this project to find the political ideals and desirable features that the project reflects, and inconsistencies in the discourse.Show less
This thesis explores how Jakarta's Merdeka Square acts as a contested public space where both state institutions and society groups have contended with the idea of a pluralistic Indonesian society...Show moreThis thesis explores how Jakarta's Merdeka Square acts as a contested public space where both state institutions and society groups have contended with the idea of a pluralistic Indonesian society during the months preceding the 2017 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election.Show less
This thesis examines the massacre of Chinese in Tangerang that occurred between late May and June 1946, following the Dutch occupation in Serpong, Tangerang. More than a thousand Chinese men, women...Show moreThis thesis examines the massacre of Chinese in Tangerang that occurred between late May and June 1946, following the Dutch occupation in Serpong, Tangerang. More than a thousand Chinese men, women, and children were killed in various places in the interior of Tangerang. This thesis argues that the massacre was not an incidental event, but had its roots in the social disorganization, economic instability, and the collapse of authority occasioned by the Dutch colonial regime and Japanese occupation. Although outbursts of violence in Indonesia have a long history, the Tangerang massacre is a unique case, as it was targeted at a specific population, and it was perpetrated by a specific religious group. Moreover, jawara was also included in local patterns of violence and played a useful role of intimidation of those considered a problem of local government. Perpetrators of anti-Chinese violence in Tangerang justified their actions by saying that the Chinese were aliens in the community, as well as non-believers. The Tangerang massacre was only one in a long series of cases of anti-Chinese violence all over Java, in which both the Dutch and the Indonesian Republic failed to protect the lives of the Chinese population during the Indonesian Revolutionary period. Although considerable efforts were made by the Republic to protect the Chinese in order to enlist their support, the Republic's military forces were insufficient to prevent hostile acts by extremist elements whose animosity had been directed against the Chinese. Soon after the massacre in Tangerang, more cases of anti-Chinese violence emerged in other parts of Indonesia: Bagan Siapi-Api (1946), Cirebon (1947), Cibadak (1947), and Cilimus (1947). To date, no specific research has been conducted to examine the communal violence in those areas.Show less
