This thesis analyzes the trends in Japan’s policy vis-à-vis the South China Sea territorial disputes. It does so by ordering among others speeches and statements of the Prime Ministers of Japan in...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the trends in Japan’s policy vis-à-vis the South China Sea territorial disputes. It does so by ordering among others speeches and statements of the Prime Ministers of Japan in a systematic way to recognize changes in trends. It concludes that although there is a slight shift towards a more bilateral oriented policy, there is no break with previous policy.Show less
The thesis comprises the main motives for Shinzo Abe and Barack Obama to commit to apology events and speeches in 2016 at Hiroshima and Pearl Harbor respectively, as well as a more detailed look at...Show moreThe thesis comprises the main motives for Shinzo Abe and Barack Obama to commit to apology events and speeches in 2016 at Hiroshima and Pearl Harbor respectively, as well as a more detailed look at the circumstances that allowed for the to take place, as well as the role of public opinion and support for the two political leaders.Show less
State-owned media serve as important propaganda tools for the Chinese Communist Party. The propaganda of today is represented through media framing and influence not only public opinion, but also...Show moreState-owned media serve as important propaganda tools for the Chinese Communist Party. The propaganda of today is represented through media framing and influence not only public opinion, but also promote the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party. However, a worrisome trend has surfaced, namely the use of sensationalism by the state-owned media to frame political events. Even though many studies have shown interest in the media organs of the Chinese government, few studies have focused on the effect it has on Sino-Japanese relations and none have done a thorough media analysis focusing on China’s side. In addition, not much research has been conducted in examining Japanese Prime Shinzo Abe in the Chinese media. This thesis therefore examines two contrasting media reactions in response to Japanese Prime Minister Abe’s behavior, namely the exaggerated negative coverage in 2015 and the subsequent sudden positive coverage in 2017. The main method used in this thesis is the appliance of qualitative frame analysis on selected state-owned media newspaper articles. This will not only observe the framing the Chinese government does, but will also present China’s state-owned media as highly unpredictable. This thesis concludes that the negative frame of 2015 changed by the end of 2017 to a more positive frame of Abe. The Chinese public responded accordingly to this, having a worse view on Japan in 2015, but a better view by the end of 2017. The state-owned Chinese media, therefore, still serve as powerful tools of propaganda for the CCP.Show less
Since the Japanese government purchased three of the disputed Diaoyu/Senkaku islands in 2012 and subsequently nationalized them, relations with China and Taiwan sharply deteriorated. After a year...Show moreSince the Japanese government purchased three of the disputed Diaoyu/Senkaku islands in 2012 and subsequently nationalized them, relations with China and Taiwan sharply deteriorated. After a year the Chinese government was still cancelling important meetings with Japanese officials, while the Taiwanese East Asian Relations Association had managed to sign a fishery agreement with the Japanese Interchange Association in April 2013. This fishery agreement extended to the seas around the disputed islands, but the agreement did not touch upon sovereignty. The fact that the Chinese government still cancelled important meetings with Japanese officials showed that even after a year Sino-Japanese relations were still affected by the dispute of the 2012 and that the Chinese government did not take official measures to solve the dispute. However, Taiwan acted differently than China and signed a fishery agreement with Japan in April 2013. This shows that Taiwan took another approach regarding the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands than China. This is remarkable, because most academic sources had worked on the assumption that Taiwan and China would be taking a similar approach to handling these disputes and thus only Japan and China were ever considered to be main actors within the dispute. Through the fishery agreement of 2013 however Taiwan has proved to be an equally significant and independent contribution in the attempt to reach a solution for the disputes. This thesis will argue that the fishery agreement of Japan and Taiwan can significantly change the dynamics in the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands disputes.Show less
On March 25 2013 the EU-Japan Economic Partnership (EPA) negotiations were officially started. This happened after the EU and Japan had experienced a hiatus of nearly two years (following the end...Show moreOn March 25 2013 the EU-Japan Economic Partnership (EPA) negotiations were officially started. This happened after the EU and Japan had experienced a hiatus of nearly two years (following the end of the 2001 Action plan in May 2011) during which it was not sure whether another official document between the two would ever be signed. Even at the moment of writing this thesis, now that negotiations have started and both the EU and Japan aim to finish the negotiations by the end of the year, it remains to be seen whether or not the finalization of the agreement will become a reality. Thus far most of the negotiations have been characterized by the EU and Japan trying to harmonize their tariff-, non-tariff barriers and import regulations. These barriers and regulations have hindered their mutual trade relations for the past decades in key industries such as the automobile and electronics industry. Because of the protective nature of both the EU and Japan towards these key industries a comprehensive agreement has yet to be reached, although some deals have been made in selected areas, such as safety regulations in cars. This skepticism is what is reflected in the majority of scholarly articles published on the topic as well. However, from the perspective of neo-realist theory this does not make sense. Both the EU and Japan have had stagnating economies for the past years and both want to improve their global economic power; the EU in the Asian region and Japan in the western world. The EU recently signed a FTA with South-Korea and Japan is trying to finalize a similar agreement with the US. The same problems that hinder the EU and Japan for the past years should have hindered these agreements as well, but for some reason they have not. The neo-realist perspective of relative gains trumping absolute gains is thus not completely accurate on this topic. What I want to find out in this thesis is to what extent non-governmental actors (NGAs) have influenced the development of the EU-Japan EPA negotiations. In order to do this I will look at one of the most influential industries for both the EU and Japan: the automobile industry. If the negotiations have been significantly influenced by NGAs, meaning recommendations of said actors have systematically found themselves implemented in governmental policies on the matter, the primarily neo-realist perspective that has found itself implanted in the majority of conclusions of scholarly articles on the topic is not accurate. If my expectations turn out to be true, a shift towards neo-liberalism is more appropriate as it includes the influences of said NGAs.Show less
This thesis aims to investigate whether there is a connection between improved US-Japan security relations and Okinawan base opposition in the period 2010-2014. Security relations between the...Show moreThis thesis aims to investigate whether there is a connection between improved US-Japan security relations and Okinawan base opposition in the period 2010-2014. Security relations between the United States and Japan are for a large extent shaped by the 1960 Treaty of Mutual Security and Cooperation, which permits the continuous presence of US military bases in Japan to maintain peace and safety in East Asia. Nowadays Japan still hosts approximately 50,000 US forces. About 50 percent of these forces are stationed in Okinawa, which consists of only 0.6% of Japan’s territory. Furthermore, 75 percent of the US military facilities in Japan are also located in Okinawa, demonstrating the unequal US military burden between Okinawa and mainland Japan (Okinawa Prefectural Government 2011). The United States, as well as Japan, agree on the importance of stationing a large amount of US military forces in Okinawa because of the strategic location of the island for maintaining Japan’s peace and safety in East Asia. However, large anti-base protests in Okinawa illustrate that a significant part of the local population opposes the security norm of the Japanese government to host US forces. Improved political ties, joint disaster relief operations and increasing external security threats have resulted in enhanced military cooperation between the United States and Japan in the period 2010-2014. Also, during this period Japanese favorable views on the United States were with an average of 71.6% also somewhat higher than between 2006 and 2009 (58.25%) (Pew Research Center 2015). Nevertheless, it is not clear whether US-Japan security collaboration also resulted in a better image of America among the people in Okinawa. Therefore, the main research question is: to what extent has enhanced military cooperation between the United States and Japan led to a decline of Okinawan base opposition?Show less
On the 31st of January 2015, a video was released which showed the brutal murder of the Japanese journalist Gotō Kenji at the hands of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. The killing sent...Show moreOn the 31st of January 2015, a video was released which showed the brutal murder of the Japanese journalist Gotō Kenji at the hands of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. The killing sent shockwaves throughout the world yet nowhere more so than in Gotō’s homeland. Japan has long maintained a policy of resource diplomacy with key trading partners in the Middle East who have supplied the Japanese economy with the oil that the country has required in order to maintain its regional and global position. However, with the death of Gotō along with his associate Yukawa Haruna, the first Japanese citizens to be executed as a result of the Japanese government’s policy in the Middle East since the end of Japanese involvement in Iraq in 2005, there is a rekindled debate amongst Japan’s leaders that the country must develop its hard power ability in order to be able to assert itself and protect its interests abroad. This thesis investigation will examine Japan’s foreign policy in the Middle East using the case studies of the murders of Gotō Kenji and Kōda Shosei and the backdrop of resource diplomacy. The investigation will be using a constructivist approach in order to provide a theoretical framework that will speculate that the Japanese government is, rather than responding to threats against it, attempting to create a an identity for itself in the region. The conclusion will then ascertain whether the changing situation in the Middle East will force Japan to re-evaluate its interests in the region or whether the instability in the region has, rather than putting Japan’s energy lifeline in jeopardy, been used by its leadership to re-ignite the debate about its need to adopt a more assertive security stance on the global stage and whether Japan, far from being attached to US foreign policy, has in fact been pursuing an entirely separate Middle Eastern policy of its own.Show less
