By investigating the ODA approaches of both Japan and the Republic of Korea considering the human rights crisis in Myanmar, the East Asian Development Model seems to hold. Both countries prioritize...Show moreBy investigating the ODA approaches of both Japan and the Republic of Korea considering the human rights crisis in Myanmar, the East Asian Development Model seems to hold. Both countries prioritize economic development over human rights issues, although they differ in their motivations. This theory-testing case analysis dives into a descriptive account of the actions of Japan and the ROK considering the Rohingya Crisis. While Japan struggles to deal with its imperial past and continues to argue for a kakehashi approach, it is found how human rights have taken second place behind economic development projects. Similarly, the ROK strives for recognition by trying to establish itself as a leader, yet simultaneously fails to lead the way when it comes to standing for the OECD/DAC norms. The descriptive account of both countries shows how human rights issues are snowed under by the importance given to economic development and a favorable relationship with the government of Myanmar.Show less
This thesis looks at the role of Japan during the negotiations of a large-scale free trade agreement in the Asia-Pacific region, namely the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP)....Show moreThis thesis looks at the role of Japan during the negotiations of a large-scale free trade agreement in the Asia-Pacific region, namely the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). Previously, academic discourse such as the pivotal state theory by Solís and Katada has focused on role of Japan during mega-FTAs. However, most of this research has been focused on Japan during CPTPP negotiations. This thesis looks at Japan’s role within RCEP, as it is the first mega-FTA with China. How does Japan’s influence compare to China during RCEP negotiations? By way of methodological triangulation, this thesis will measure the influence of Japan. While there are limitations, Japan was able to influence some regulations, especially regarding tariff reduction, intellectual property and e-commerce. That being said, while Japan hoped to include India within RCEP, India withdrew in the last stage of negotiations. This is because that Japan’s position within negotiations was hampered among others by its interventionist agricultural lobby. As Japan’s influence within RCEP was limited, it remains an unlikely pivotal state while China’s influence grows. With its analysis, this thesis will contribute to a broader academic discourse on the pivotal state theory, as well as the developments of mega-FTA negotiations in general.Show less
This thesis argues that during the Abe and Suga administrations, Japan has been successful at pushing some of its key security objectives into the agendas of strategically important Southeast Asian...Show moreThis thesis argues that during the Abe and Suga administrations, Japan has been successful at pushing some of its key security objectives into the agendas of strategically important Southeast Asian states through the process of tactical hedging. Tactical hedging has allowed the Abe and Suga administrations to be flexible with its policy approach to the rise of China, allowing Japan to be firm on security issues in Southeast Asia when needed, while allowing room for friendly economic competition. This flexibility made security cooperation with Japan more viable for Southeast Asian states, as none of the countries wish to pursue a hard-line China containment policy. The Free and Open Indo-Pacific vision, which has seen notable alterations by the Abe and Suga administration to address the needs of their Southeast Asian partners, and Japan refraining from openly criticizing the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) are examples of Japan taking the concerns of its Southeast Asian partners into account. While still at an early stage, the results of Japan’s tactical hedging can be seen within Japan’s improved security relations with Indonesia, the Philippines and Vietnam. These three countries, which belong to the largest economies of ASEAN, and are faced with China’s growing assertiveness in the South China Sea, will therefore be used to support the importance of tactical hedging for security cooperation in East Asia.Show less
In recent years, China's economic diplomacy has received more attention in the field of International Relations. Some scholars argue that China uses its economic diplomacy in a coercive way, while...Show moreIn recent years, China's economic diplomacy has received more attention in the field of International Relations. Some scholars argue that China uses its economic diplomacy in a coercive way, while other scholars argue against this notion. This thesis discusses China's economic diplomacy with its research question: "What drives China’s economic diplomacy in the case of political disputes in East-Asia?". The thesis examines two disputes between China and its neighbouring countries, Japan and South Korea, in order to research how China employs its economic power. The research is based on three factors that influence how China creates its economic diplomacy; national sentiment, history of the bilateral relations, and bilateral trade. Using process-tracing, the thesis examines these three factors of the THAAD dispute with South Korea and the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands dispute with Japan. The aim of the thesis is to demonstrate that, while national sentiment, previous bilateral relations, and bilateral trade influence China's economic diplomacy, these factors do not influence China’s decision-making equally. The thesis concludes that national sentiment influences the Chinese government the most to use its economic diplomacy coercively.Show less
Exploring the salience of LGBT-norms in Japan through analyzing the cultural match, political rhetoric, domestic interests, domestic institutions and socializing forces surrounding those norms.
This paper looks at the representation of the comfort women dispute between South Korea and Japan in popular culture. Through the lens of popular culture, the representation of the dispute is...Show moreThis paper looks at the representation of the comfort women dispute between South Korea and Japan in popular culture. Through the lens of popular culture, the representation of the dispute is analysed and it is discussed how this influences the bilateral relationship between South Korea and Japan.Show less
The link between international development and gender equality has been highly acknowledged in today’s world. Women and girls are often depicted to be the public faces of global development, and...Show moreThe link between international development and gender equality has been highly acknowledged in today’s world. Women and girls are often depicted to be the public faces of global development, and have been increasingly present in a wide range of business and institutional policies. Businesses and institutions have embraced the notion that women are beneficial for markets and profits. This idea of the economic benefits of capitalizing on female ‘untapped’ labor power is also known as ‘smart economics’. Such neoliberal implementations and legislations illustrate that, instead of mere victims of poverty and violence, women are also capable to be agents. Nonetheless, these supposed advantages are in need of a feminist analysis. Recently, the Japanese government led by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe set out to implement a gender equality initiative labeled as ‘Womenomics’. This policy is primarily implemented to increase female participation in the workforce. Womenomics is narrowly linked to the expansion of a neoliberal economic policy agenda, which represents market fundamentalism, privatization, and corporate-led development. This thesis will analyze to what extend Japan’s neoliberalism, and its promise for female empowerment affects gender equality in the country. Fundamental to this analysis is the connection between feminism and a neoliberal economic policy like womenomics. The idea of feminism can reveal to what extend it can be utilized to achieve the neoliberal goal of a free and flexible labor market (Schieder 53 – 54). The central question this thesis seeks to answer is: ‘how has feminism influenced Japan’s decision to implement its neoliberal womenomics policy?’. The thesis hypotheses is that while womenomics promotes female (economic) empowerment, the policy disregards historical and structural causes of gender-based inequality and poverty. Moreover, it is reinforcing the (current) neoliberal paradigm, which established and maintained (gender-based) oppression.Show less
This thesis examines the relationship of neoliberal policies and growing inequality in the Japanese labour market after the bubble burst in early 1990’s. The purpose of this research is to...Show moreThis thesis examines the relationship of neoliberal policies and growing inequality in the Japanese labour market after the bubble burst in early 1990’s. The purpose of this research is to determine whether labour inequality levels have risen as a result of the neoliberal agendas that the government of Japan has adopted over the past few decades. The policies and the agendas of four Prime Ministers will be discussed: Yasuhiro Nakasone (pre-bubble burst), Ryutaro Hashimoto (post-bubble burst and during Asian crisis), Junichiro Koizumi (pre-financial crisis) and Shinzo Abe (post-financial crisis). This research demonstrates that certain aspects of labour inequality have been altered using process tracing in a multi-disciplinary approach consisting of both qualitative and qualitative sources to analyze the outcomes of these policy measures. The theoretical and empirical analysis showcase that, whilst the transformation of the Japanese economic model has not been linear, there is a gradual neoliberal progress in the labour sector reflected by the continuous deregulation schemes that the administrations have chosen to pursue. The Japanese labour institutions and, therefore, the Japanese social contract have been considerably transformed as part of the neoliberal reforms.Show less
The thesis comprises the main motives for Shinzo Abe and Barack Obama to commit to apology events and speeches in 2016 at Hiroshima and Pearl Harbor respectively, as well as a more detailed look at...Show moreThe thesis comprises the main motives for Shinzo Abe and Barack Obama to commit to apology events and speeches in 2016 at Hiroshima and Pearl Harbor respectively, as well as a more detailed look at the circumstances that allowed for the to take place, as well as the role of public opinion and support for the two political leaders.Show less
This thesis analyses political speeches by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe during his second period of office from 2012 onwards, in order to uncover how he uses narratives of historical representations...Show moreThis thesis analyses political speeches by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe during his second period of office from 2012 onwards, in order to uncover how he uses narratives of historical representations to reach his policy goals. In light of the opposition to constitutional revision as proposed by Abe, researching how he deals and tries to manipulate discourse in this field allows for a better understanding of the future trajectory of Japan’s foreign policy. This is because constitutional revision would allow for Japan to have a more active role in security issues. At the moment Japan’s security position is still constricted by historical narratives based on constructed memories or political myths. While the push for constitutional revision is not new, the recent missile threats from North Korea together with pressure from the international community seem to be speeding up the process. These constitutional constrictions are also heavily bound by the post war relationship between the United States and Japan. Furthermore, because of historical narratives, the Japanese national identity remains a problematic issue in Japanese politics. Thus, the Japanese government has to cater to both Japanese citizens and the international community in its official communications. An analysis of political speeches may help us understand possible changes or disputes on memory as a result of political interests. This is because official representations of the past are strongly linked with identity and thus also with foreign policy. Therefore, through the use of poststructuralist discourse analysis, this paper aims to research how Abe positions himself in the discourse of war memories and his actions to accomplish constitutional revision from his second term onwards. Additionally, due to the importance of apology issuance for the stabilisation of Japan’s relations with neighbouring countries, such as China and Korea, this paper will briefly analyse Abe’s apologies and utterances of remorse during his speeches through Lind’s framework of apologetic apologies.Show less
Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has introduced a manga-pamphlet to promote constitutional revision. The ruling coalition of Prime Minister Shinzō Abe, has secured a two- thirds majority in...Show moreJapan’s Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) has introduced a manga-pamphlet to promote constitutional revision. The ruling coalition of Prime Minister Shinzō Abe, has secured a two- thirds majority in both Houses of the Diet fulfilling one requirement for change. The public decides in a national referendum whether any revision materialises or not. On paper, the manga perfectly fits the LDP’s strategy to get the people on board of constitutional revision. However, Abe’s political manoeuvres as well as his long term plans for the constitution have been vague and not without controversy. He has also pushed a reinterpretation of the constitution through the Diet considered by many as undemocratic. This begs the question how the LDP wishes to convince the public of revision. With the help of critical discourse analysis as well as comics theory and social psychology perspectives, this paper will examine how and with what message the LDP’s manga-pamphlet attempts to convince the public of constitutional revision.Show less
This thesis looks at whether or not Japanese prime minister Abe has framed the rise of China as a threat to Japan's security environment in order to exercise the right of collective self-defense; a...Show moreThis thesis looks at whether or not Japanese prime minister Abe has framed the rise of China as a threat to Japan's security environment in order to exercise the right of collective self-defense; a right that is currently banned under the Japanese constitution. Discourse analysis is used to analyze several incidents that have framed a China threat narrative. Based on the research, this thesis states that the Japanese government may have potentially framed China's rise in order to push for collective self-defense. Further research must be done in order to give a more general conclusion.Show less
This thesis aims to investigate whether there is a connection between improved US-Japan security relations and Okinawan base opposition in the period 2010-2014. Security relations between the...Show moreThis thesis aims to investigate whether there is a connection between improved US-Japan security relations and Okinawan base opposition in the period 2010-2014. Security relations between the United States and Japan are for a large extent shaped by the 1960 Treaty of Mutual Security and Cooperation, which permits the continuous presence of US military bases in Japan to maintain peace and safety in East Asia. Nowadays Japan still hosts approximately 50,000 US forces. About 50 percent of these forces are stationed in Okinawa, which consists of only 0.6% of Japan’s territory. Furthermore, 75 percent of the US military facilities in Japan are also located in Okinawa, demonstrating the unequal US military burden between Okinawa and mainland Japan (Okinawa Prefectural Government 2011). The United States, as well as Japan, agree on the importance of stationing a large amount of US military forces in Okinawa because of the strategic location of the island for maintaining Japan’s peace and safety in East Asia. However, large anti-base protests in Okinawa illustrate that a significant part of the local population opposes the security norm of the Japanese government to host US forces. Improved political ties, joint disaster relief operations and increasing external security threats have resulted in enhanced military cooperation between the United States and Japan in the period 2010-2014. Also, during this period Japanese favorable views on the United States were with an average of 71.6% also somewhat higher than between 2006 and 2009 (58.25%) (Pew Research Center 2015). Nevertheless, it is not clear whether US-Japan security collaboration also resulted in a better image of America among the people in Okinawa. Therefore, the main research question is: to what extent has enhanced military cooperation between the United States and Japan led to a decline of Okinawan base opposition?Show less
On the 31st of January 2015, a video was released which showed the brutal murder of the Japanese journalist Gotō Kenji at the hands of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. The killing sent...Show moreOn the 31st of January 2015, a video was released which showed the brutal murder of the Japanese journalist Gotō Kenji at the hands of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. The killing sent shockwaves throughout the world yet nowhere more so than in Gotō’s homeland. Japan has long maintained a policy of resource diplomacy with key trading partners in the Middle East who have supplied the Japanese economy with the oil that the country has required in order to maintain its regional and global position. However, with the death of Gotō along with his associate Yukawa Haruna, the first Japanese citizens to be executed as a result of the Japanese government’s policy in the Middle East since the end of Japanese involvement in Iraq in 2005, there is a rekindled debate amongst Japan’s leaders that the country must develop its hard power ability in order to be able to assert itself and protect its interests abroad. This thesis investigation will examine Japan’s foreign policy in the Middle East using the case studies of the murders of Gotō Kenji and Kōda Shosei and the backdrop of resource diplomacy. The investigation will be using a constructivist approach in order to provide a theoretical framework that will speculate that the Japanese government is, rather than responding to threats against it, attempting to create a an identity for itself in the region. The conclusion will then ascertain whether the changing situation in the Middle East will force Japan to re-evaluate its interests in the region or whether the instability in the region has, rather than putting Japan’s energy lifeline in jeopardy, been used by its leadership to re-ignite the debate about its need to adopt a more assertive security stance on the global stage and whether Japan, far from being attached to US foreign policy, has in fact been pursuing an entirely separate Middle Eastern policy of its own.Show less
This thesis contains comparative analyses between deflation in Japan in the 1990s and the current disinflation/deflation in the European Union in the period 2008-2014. This thesis will especially...Show moreThis thesis contains comparative analyses between deflation in Japan in the 1990s and the current disinflation/deflation in the European Union in the period 2008-2014. This thesis will especially focus on the role of financial authorities in both Japan and the EU, and the measures they have taken to attack the issue of deflation. A light will be shed on the definition of deflation and on the debate on the causes, consequences and approaches on deflation in both Japan as well as the EU. Also a closer look will be taken on why several measures, taken by the financial authorities worked or did not work, especially on the areas of internal price-stability to raise public demand, and on the area of currency-appreciation to boost external demand.Show less
