Bachelor thesis | Cultural Anthropology and Development Sociology (BSc)
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Unconditional love is theorized across different fields to be key for making our politics more forgiving and our social justice more effective. This is because of love’s 1) willed character in...Show moreUnconditional love is theorized across different fields to be key for making our politics more forgiving and our social justice more effective. This is because of love’s 1) willed character in contrast to mere sentimentalism, 2) its dynamic tendency towards turning love into action and help, 3) the forgiveness it brings that is necessary for embracing the heterogeneity of politics, 4) the purpose and embrace it can give to the anger that sprouts out of societal injustice, 5) the embodiedness and personal touch that they give to policies of care, and 6) a common interest with justice towards giving loveable people what they deserve. However, this is not just theory, and as a proper anthropologist I have shown how different actors longing for social justice put this love-justice relation into practice. Ranging from meditating to embody love and turn political and societal ideals of embrace into a reality, to seeing love as entailing and impulsing a drive towards LGBT+ inclusion campaigns and justice, all across the world love is employed as a vital component for making a better world. I have argued that unconditional love has a wide variety of benefits it can bring to social justice, both seen by academics and by actors that put this into practice. Because in the end, love’s dynamic character cannot let us sit still when we see that those we love deserve better.Show less
Within Rawls’s theory of justice lies an endorsement of a ‘Property-Owning Democracy’ as a regime-type which has the capacity to meet the institutional demands of justice. In contrast, ‘Welfare...Show moreWithin Rawls’s theory of justice lies an endorsement of a ‘Property-Owning Democracy’ as a regime-type which has the capacity to meet the institutional demands of justice. In contrast, ‘Welfare-State Capitalism’, characterised by redistributive practices, is dismissed as incapable of realising the values of justice as fairness. This thesis presents a challenge to the alleged superiority of a ‘Property-Owning Democracy’ over welfare state regimes. Through an exploration of the concept of predistribution, it is demonstrated that there is conceptual space between ‘Property-Owning Democracy’ and ‘Welfare-State Capitalism’ for a ‘Predistributionist Welfare State’. It is then argued that when a Rawlsian normative framework, consisting of accounts of the values of political liberty, equality of opportunity, reciprocity and social equality, is invoked to evaluate the opposing regime-types, a ‘Predistributionist Welfare State’ performs at least as well as a ‘Property-Owning Democracy’. This leads to the conclusion that Rawlsian philosophers lack a decisive set of reasons to reject the welfare state outright in favour of a ‘Property-Owning Democracy’.Show less
This thesis shall examine two conceptions of justice, proposed by Rawls and Young respectively, and the society that flows from said conceptions, in order to evaluate them and conclude that they...Show moreThis thesis shall examine two conceptions of justice, proposed by Rawls and Young respectively, and the society that flows from said conceptions, in order to evaluate them and conclude that they are not able to resolve and prevent injustices. These philosophers are the focus of this thesis as they both attempt to measure and resolve injustice, with Rawls focused on equality and distributive issues whilst Young takes an approach based on resolving oppression by respecting group differences. Existing debates in political philosophy can largely be separated into two categories. Arguably the biggest debates are to be found in the category in which Young’s and Rawls’s work can also be found, revolving around the question of what the best possible society would look like. These discussions, however, assume that there is a satisfying answer to debates that fall in the other category, which includes all discussions surrounding the question of whether states are or can be good at all. By evaluating the societies proposed by Rawls and Young this thesis is situated in the first category of discussion, though avoids the assumption that a state is good or justifiable. Instead, this thesis will attempt to bridge the gap between the discussions by noting the injustices caused by these proposed systems of government, opening the door for the inclusion of anarchist philosophy in discussions about the best possible way to order a society.Show less
This thesis identifies the political possibilities to establish a war crimes court in contemporary Liberian society and the role of civil society in this process.
Looking at the possibility of violence in local manifestations of global protest movements can help predict the likelihood of violence occurring during new instances of protest. Looing at Occupy...Show moreLooking at the possibility of violence in local manifestations of global protest movements can help predict the likelihood of violence occurring during new instances of protest. Looing at Occupy Wall Street and the Global Justice movement and their local chapters in New York, London and Hamburg has led to several insights. Despite the disconnect between conflict and violence, the underlying logic of using violence as a repertoire of contention becomes evident. The time available for both the preparation of the protest and the response from the authorities do play a role in determining the degree of violence. Spontaneous protests, such as Occupy Wall Street in New York and London only were met with attention, and later violence, when their primary goal of public deliberation became evident. The violence was coupled with attempts at eviction. In case of Global Justice Movement protests as a response to the G20 summits in London and Hamburg, the activists had a longer time to prepare, which gave the authorities to prepare a response. Moreover, the protesters only had a limited time available and had to utilise that time to make their demands known. It appears, therefor, that the temporality of a protest is a significant factor in the likelihood of violence.Show less
This study introduces three typologies (bao, baoying and baochou) for the analysis of wuxia films. It proposes a more nuanced way of analysing revenge, punishment and justice in (Chinese) action film.
During the 20th Century, both Germany and Spain had atrocities committed against specific groups of people at home under fascist leaderships. Both countries democratised with the death of their...Show moreDuring the 20th Century, both Germany and Spain had atrocities committed against specific groups of people at home under fascist leaderships. Both countries democratised with the death of their leader, leaving members from the previous regime in power. However, two very different approaches to reconciliation were taken. Germany prosecuted the leaders of the old regime, implemented collective guilt across the population, and either destroyed fascist memorials and insignias or actively challenged them with counter-memorials. As opposed to following the German path to reconciliation, the fruits of which could be seen during the democratisation of Spain, the new democracy decided to implement the 1975 Pact of Forgetting, an unwritten agreement to not bring up the atrocities committed under Franco for fear of retribution. In order to understand the events that led to two very different outcomes through the use of interviews, analysis of the Suárez’s cabinet, and analysis of the use of memorials in both cases, this paper will ask why did Spain choose to avoid a similar reconciliation process to the one taken by West Germany thirty years prior despite being in a similar state and what role did public history play?Show less
In this thesis I argue that Jacques Derrida takes a mediating position in between Walter Benjamin and Carl Schmitt with regards to the relationship between law and reality. I do so by showing that...Show moreIn this thesis I argue that Jacques Derrida takes a mediating position in between Walter Benjamin and Carl Schmitt with regards to the relationship between law and reality. I do so by showing that Derrida wants to reside within the system - just like Schmitt - while he also partially argues for deconstructing the system - similar to Benjamin. The big difference with Benjamin is that Derrida wants to tear up the system from within.Show less
Mental disorders: living with it is a challenge in and of itself. But life with a mental illness is made even more difficult by systematic injustice sufferers have long faced. Political philosophy...Show moreMental disorders: living with it is a challenge in and of itself. But life with a mental illness is made even more difficult by systematic injustice sufferers have long faced. Political philosophy can give us an example of how to organise our societies, but often fails to address the struggles of the mentally ill. Can we find a politically philosophical theory that can explain how we should address problems regarding the ‘mad’?Show less
This thesis provides an insight in how cross-cultural relations took place and how the VOC legal system functioned in the 17th century in a multi-cultural place like Cochin on the southwest coast...Show moreThis thesis provides an insight in how cross-cultural relations took place and how the VOC legal system functioned in the 17th century in a multi-cultural place like Cochin on the southwest coast of India. This is done through legal sources that are from fort Cochin. Of these legal sources the emphesis lies on cases between non-Europeans vs Europeans and non-Europeans vs non-Europeans.Show less
This thesis aims to address how we should seek to tackle violations of women’s rights in non-ideal societies. I argue that methodologically, the top down, or state led approach to bringing about...Show moreThis thesis aims to address how we should seek to tackle violations of women’s rights in non-ideal societies. I argue that methodologically, the top down, or state led approach to bringing about gender justice should be supplemented by bottom up, agent led initiatives. Women frequently find their rights violated and their capabilities stifled and this inequality is an indicator of a non-ideal society. We should look to our non-ideal society to decide how best to overcome gender inequalities rather than only to an ideal society. Further to this, state led approaches to achieving justice have typically been favoured over agent led ones. In many aspects state led approaches are helpful, for instance in enforcing rules to protect women, however they should be used in tandem with bottom up initiatives. Bottom up initiatives have an important role to play in encouraging a shift in societal ethos: they can empower women and help put them in a better cultural position.Show less
Les éditoriaux et les articles qu’a écrit Albert Camus pour le journal Combat, parus entre 1944 et 1947, sont le point de départ de ce mémoire, dans lequel nous avons essayé de dégager comment l...Show moreLes éditoriaux et les articles qu’a écrit Albert Camus pour le journal Combat, parus entre 1944 et 1947, sont le point de départ de ce mémoire, dans lequel nous avons essayé de dégager comment l’idée de ce qui est juste de Camus s’est développée pendant cette période à Combat. Nous croyons que son idée de ce qui est juste trouve une de ses sources au bureau de la rédaction de Combat. C’est pourquoi nous nous avons étudié comment la justice, et l’idée de ce qui est juste, s’est manifestée dans ces textes journalistiques.Show less
In one way or another, the civilizations who ruled over Egypt in antiquity could all boast a close connection to the concepts of 'law' and 'justice'. Balance, justice, and order - all personified...Show moreIn one way or another, the civilizations who ruled over Egypt in antiquity could all boast a close connection to the concepts of 'law' and 'justice'. Balance, justice, and order - all personified by the goddess Ma'at - were the cornerstones of Ancient Egyptian religion and society. The Greek Ptolemies, who ruled over Egypt between 323 and 30 BC, would become famous for their advanced and intricate bureacracy, which also featured a highly effective law enforcement system. The Romans, more than any, prided themselves on their laws, which remain influential in modern societies to this day. This thesis sets out to discover the manner in which criminal justice in Egypt developed from the times of the New Kingdom, through the Ptolemaic era, and under Roman rule. Not only for the abovementioned anecdotal reasons, but also because the capability to deal with crime and to maintain order can serve as an indicator for a successful administration in general. Because criminal law forms an integral part of a legal system as a whole, which, in turn, is inseparable from the general administrative system of a country, all of these will be taken into account. The following questions will be answered in this thesis: how were the various legal and administrative systems organized?; which actions were considered to be crimes by the Egyptians, Greeks, and Romans?; who possessed the legal authority to deal with these matters?; and in what manner were criminal transgressions dealt with in practice? In the end, the aim is to not only find out how criminal justice developed in the course of nearly two millennia, but also to offer an explanation as to why these developments took their specific course.Show less
In het volgende stuk zal worden geanalyseerd in welke mate intergenerationele rechtvaardigheid toepasbaar is in onze huidige maatschappij. Gedurende de laatste jaren is klimaatproblematiek en...Show moreIn het volgende stuk zal worden geanalyseerd in welke mate intergenerationele rechtvaardigheid toepasbaar is in onze huidige maatschappij. Gedurende de laatste jaren is klimaatproblematiek en schaarste een steeds grotere rol gaan spelen in de internationale politiek en er zijn enkele sombere voorspellingen gedaan over de toekomst. De manier waarop wij voor de toekomst zorgen is echter niet een volledig deel van ons politiek systeem: vraagstukken over de verdeling van goederen en mogelijkheden spelen zich vooral af als een sociale discussie binnen de huidige wereld. Met toekomstige generaties is echter niet altijd rekening te houden.Show less
De manier waarop de mens de aarde op dit moment gebruikt, is een extreme belasting van de ecosystemen op aarde. De effecten hiervan zijn terug te zien in de massale uitsterving van vissen, de...Show moreDe manier waarop de mens de aarde op dit moment gebruikt, is een extreme belasting van de ecosystemen op aarde. De effecten hiervan zijn terug te zien in de massale uitsterving van vissen, de mondiale ontbossing, de uitbreiding van woestijnen, stijging van CO2 in de atmosfeer, bodemerosie, klimaatverandering, dalende grondwaterspiegels, smeltende gletsjers, stijging van de zeespiegel, opdrogende rivieren, uitsterving van diersoorten en daling van biodiversiteit (Brown, 2004:8). De groeiende wereldbevolking vormt een bedreiging voor de nu al overbelaste ecosystemen (United Nations, 2011).Show less
In dit artikel wordt onderzocht of Rawls zijn rechtvaardigheidsprincipes uit A Theory of Justice toepast op de familie, en zo gender gelijkheid bevordert. Ik beargumenteer dat Rawls zijn principes...Show moreIn dit artikel wordt onderzocht of Rawls zijn rechtvaardigheidsprincipes uit A Theory of Justice toepast op de familie, en zo gender gelijkheid bevordert. Ik beargumenteer dat Rawls zijn principes niet toepast op de familie. De familie creëert een dilemma in de theorie van Political Liberalism. Om het reasonable pluralism van Political Liberalism te handhaven ziet Rawls af om zijn rechtvaardigheidstheorie toe te passen op de familie.Show less
