The largest contributor to climate change is human reproduction. Although restricting population growth might prove an effective in couteracting climate change, our liberal intuition tells us it...Show moreThe largest contributor to climate change is human reproduction. Although restricting population growth might prove an effective in couteracting climate change, our liberal intuition tells us it would be wrong to interfere with people's reproductive affairs. This essay investigates whether that is necessarily the case.Show less
Extreme weather events, natural disasters and failure in mitigating or adapting to the changing climate. All these societal risks have become more likely and impactful over the last couple of...Show moreExtreme weather events, natural disasters and failure in mitigating or adapting to the changing climate. All these societal risks have become more likely and impactful over the last couple of decades. It is important to limit the excessive human emission of greenhouse gases such as CO2, because they contribute to the changing climate. In order to gain support for CO2 reduction policies, environmental concerns must be reconciled with the prevailing political ideology. The focus is on liberal democracy because it is the dominant political system in western society. One of the difficulties in combining environmental concerns with liberal democracy is that policies to protect nature put limits on what people are allowed to do and thereby limit the individual liberty of citizens. In this thesis I investigate witch CO2 policies fit best with Liberal-democratic positions about the environment. I will answer the following questions: Why does the market fail to ensure an efficient amount of CO2 emissions? Which kind of CO2 reduction policies are most suitable to reduce excessive emissions? How can CO2 policies be combined with liberal democratic values? Which policy is preferable based on liberal democratic positions about the environment? The two most discussed market-based CO2 policies are excise tax and emission trading. This thesis argues for an integrated approach, formed by both policies. This system is preferable because it internalizes externalities to reduce excessive emissions, and simultaneously enforces a maximum amount of emissions to prevent an environmental crisis.Show less
The debate on state interference to promote citizen’s health is broad and controversial. In this thesis, my aim is to provide a philosophical argument in favour of nudging for health, which is an...Show moreThe debate on state interference to promote citizen’s health is broad and controversial. In this thesis, my aim is to provide a philosophical argument in favour of nudging for health, which is an effective tool to create more health. Liberals in general are afraid that nudging for health is too paternalistic and coercive and hence deprive our freedom. I will argue that some liberals and specifically “Humean liberals” can accept this far-reaching and invasive interference in the personal sphere. This argument is based on the idea that we should follow our ‘higher’ desire to be healthy.Show less
This thesis seeks to enrich the discussion about the impact of China’s rise on the role of the US as a global leader, however, it wishes to avoid the theoretical prediction or speculation often...Show moreThis thesis seeks to enrich the discussion about the impact of China’s rise on the role of the US as a global leader, however, it wishes to avoid the theoretical prediction or speculation often seen in this discussion. Instead of using prescriptive theories, the much- anticipated American response to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) will be researched from an inventive angle that possesses the ability to bridge the gap between theory and policy: think tanks. Publications by think tanks are distinctly suitable for a pragmatic analysis on the direction of US foreign policy. The policy research publications of three prominent American think tanks will be analyzed to make informed statements about the direction of long-term US foreign policy towards the BRI. These think tanks have been carefully selected to represent all sides of the spectrum that dominate simultaneously the political arena of the US and the think tank sector; conservative ideology, liberal ideology, and the neutral, independent, or moderate center. Besides researching the policy recommendations in general this thesis will also research two dimensions that could have a significant impact on the American response; theoretical lenses and ideological orientations. The policy proposals are researched with a qualitative content analysis to identify their theoretical foundation of the IR-paradigms of realism and liberalism. This thesis will broadly map the position of theory, ideology, and policy in the issue at stake: the American response to the BRI. Given exacerbating trends in the think tank sector, the different positions could ultimately pose threats to geopolitical stability.Show less
This thesis defends the claim that if one recognizes government authority as legitimate based on consent theory, one is committed to recognizing unilateral secession as a primary right. Following...Show moreThis thesis defends the claim that if one recognizes government authority as legitimate based on consent theory, one is committed to recognizing unilateral secession as a primary right. Following from this, it is argued that when western liberal democracies deny this right, they are inconsistent in applying the principles to which they have committed themselves.Show less
I will argue in this thesis, that those within the field of democratic theory who dismiss populism as an inherent threat to liberal democracy do so based on a number of assumptions. The first of...Show moreI will argue in this thesis, that those within the field of democratic theory who dismiss populism as an inherent threat to liberal democracy do so based on a number of assumptions. The first of these assumptions concerns how populism should be defined, some within the literature treat it as an ideology in itself, defined by its distinctly illiberal aims. Others treat it as a style of doing politics, yet argue that by dividing society between ‘us’ and ‘them’, it violates liberal commitments to pluralism. The second assumption concerns the point of liberal democracy; theorists who dismiss populism as a threat to liberal democracy frequently do so based on their commitment to a particular normative theory of democracy, which is often not made explicit in their work. The third assumption is that there is no fundamental contradiction between the liberal and democratic dimensions of liberal democracy, but rather that the two presuppose each other. This thesis will aim to challenge these assumptions in turn, illuminating the normative commitments of those who claim populism is a threat. I will begin by arguing that, based on the definition provided by Mouffe and Laclau, populism should be conceived of in hegemonic terms. Using this understanding of populism, I will challenge the assumption that populism is incompatible with commitments to pluralism. I analyse populism through the lenses of social-choice theory, representative democracy and deliberative democracy, in order to demonstrate that this perceived incompatibility is largely dependent on the theorists’ commitment to these normative theories, rather than populism itself. Lastly, I will argue against the “co-originality” thesis in favour of a conception of liberal democracy in which both its constitutive elements are in contradiction, but, as has been argued by Mouffe, this contradiction may be productive. I conclude by arguing in favour of an agonistic conception of democracy, as a means by which competing hegemonic projects, such as populism, can inhabit the same political sphere, thereby demonstrating that populism and pluralism are not necessarily incompatible.Show less
This study aims to show why Africa, specifically the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in this case study, seems to lack agency regarding the control of their internal security...Show moreThis study aims to show why Africa, specifically the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in this case study, seems to lack agency regarding the control of their internal security issues. The Malian conflict, which started in 2012, saw the activation of the African-led International Support Mission to Mali (AFISMA) as well as a French military intervention called Operation Serval. However, in July 2013 AFISMA was superseded by a UN-led military operation while the French mission remained functional. This case study reflects the issue regarding the lack of African agency. By using an analytical framework of power in international politics, this study seeks to understand this dynamic as it pertains to the case study. The findings show that France, via a Realist understanding, is the primary power in the conflict out to seek its own security. Simultaneously, African agency is not realisable due to the inherent inferiority of African institutions compared to the UN and France.Show less
This paper has primarily attempted to determine whether neoliberal economic policy is making a return to Brazil, and secondarily what the most likely explanation for this could be. The elections of...Show moreThis paper has primarily attempted to determine whether neoliberal economic policy is making a return to Brazil, and secondarily what the most likely explanation for this could be. The elections of October 2018 provided the context to perform an analysis on this subject: the two candidates competing in the second round of elections, Jair Bolsonaro and Fernando Haddad and their visions on economic policy for Brazil have been analyzed through the method of content analysis. The programas de governo or governing programs of both candidates has served as the main subject of the study. Additionally articles in journals and interviews have been taken into consideration. Neoliberal economic policy in this paper is defined as a specific set of economic policies associated with the Washington Consensus. Although the Washington Consensus contains a total of ten advised economic reforms, the analysis in this paper will focus on specifically three, namely privatization, trade liberalization and austerity. This will be followed by a demonstration of a ‘retreat’ of neoliberal economic policy worldwide at the hand of the trade policies of the Trump administration in the United States and the change of direction made by International Financial Institutions. Thirdly, the political situation of the last years in Brazil will be described in order to provide the reader with the necessary context for the analysis. Fourthly, the turn to neoliberal economic policy under the current Temer administration will be demonstrated to establish that neoliberalism has returned to Brazil, albeit in the form of a government with near to no public support: favorable views of the (neoliberal) reforms among the candidates under study would be a strong indication a continuation of this policy under a new president is likely. This has been researched through the programas de governo, articles and interviews. Lastly, two possible explanations have been considered. The paper will conclude that it is indeed likely that Brazil, now with a candidate enjoying significant public support, will continue on the path of neoliberal economic policy. This return to neoliberal economic policy will be concluded to be due to a form of crisis management in Brazil.Show less
PVV leader Geert Wilders is seen as one of the most remarkable and provocative Dutch politicians of the past 20 years. This is partly a consequence of the Islamophobic discourse that he uses in...Show morePVV leader Geert Wilders is seen as one of the most remarkable and provocative Dutch politicians of the past 20 years. This is partly a consequence of the Islamophobic discourse that he uses in order to argue that Islam, Muslims, and immigration pose a threat to the liberal Dutch and Western society. People have often argued that this Islamophobic discourse is discriminative and racist and is for that reason in conflict with the ideology of liberalism. However, Wilders and his supporters argue that the contrary is true and that he is actually protecting the Western liberal society from the dangerous illiberal Islam. Moreover, it has often been argued that liberalism is in fact a paradoxical ideology that historically has distinguished people on the basis of race, class, and gender. For that reason, Wilders seems to position himself well within the ideology of liberalism. By the means of a discourse analysis, this study attempts to demonstrate that Wilders’ Islamophobic discourse is in fact very much in line with the liberal ideology despite its racist and discriminative content.Show less
Since the beginning of the 1980s, much debate in the jurisprudential literature on freedom of speech has been about the (alleged) right to produce and publish pornography. Law professor and...Show moreSince the beginning of the 1980s, much debate in the jurisprudential literature on freedom of speech has been about the (alleged) right to produce and publish pornography. Law professor and feminist Catherine A. MacKinnon produced an interesting argument to justify censorship: pornography itself silences women (and we are allowed to silence silencing speech). This thesis seeks to investigate this normative defence of the 'silencing of the silencing', particular in the form promulgated by Rae Langton from the 1990s on. It argues that Langton and other feminists are right to conclude that free speech implies more than a mere 'right to locution' -- there must also be a right to be heard. Yet, it puts into question the premise that that fact alone could justify a censorship. That usually constitutes an offence against the spirit of autonomy, one of the main reasons to accept free speech in the first place.Show less
In this thesis John Mearsheimer's claim about the reliance of Western elites on liberal principles (such as the rule of law, economic interdependence, and democracy) to justify NATO enlargement has...Show moreIn this thesis John Mearsheimer's claim about the reliance of Western elites on liberal principles (such as the rule of law, economic interdependence, and democracy) to justify NATO enlargement has been examined in order to gain more insight into the annexation of Crimea and the wider Ukraine crisis.Show less
Research master thesis | Literary Studies (research) (MA)
open access
This thesis argues that the literary relevance of The Private Memoirs is its examination of the sometimes problematic desire for belonging and self-realisation. The novel, seen as a satirical...Show moreThis thesis argues that the literary relevance of The Private Memoirs is its examination of the sometimes problematic desire for belonging and self-realisation. The novel, seen as a satirical Bildungsroman, shows that Robert Wringhim’s failure both to reach maturity and assimilate into society is the result of his inability to change. One needs to constantly (re)negotiate between self and other to safely integrate into society – this is a form of Bildung, as understood in Herder’s conceptualisation of the term. However, Robert fails to integrate, because he refuses to change his early identity, which, in turn, leads to the creation of a doppelgänger. Also, his parents teach Robert that he is preordained to live in heaven which causes him to feel that above all he belongs to this future state. Ultimately, with no self-realisation and a strong desire to go to where he feels he belongs, Robert’s short life can only end in his premature death. Finally, The Private Memoirs is not merely a critique of bad parenting or religious excess. Rather, Robert and his family become a metonymy for something larger and more prevalent: liberalism and civil society, where freedom becomes freedom to have property, rather than freedom of thought. In the end, liberalism is portrayed as a system of exclusion rather than inclusion of differences.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to provide a comparative insight in benevolence (ren) as a leadership quality. The main focus is on the understanding of ren in the base of Confucianism, after which its...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to provide a comparative insight in benevolence (ren) as a leadership quality. The main focus is on the understanding of ren in the base of Confucianism, after which its keystones are compared to those of Liberalism. In the first part, it focuses on the meaning of ren that can be derived from relevant passages in the Analects of Confucius (the Lunyu). The second part explores its significance as a leadership quality. It ends with a comparative study between these keystones found, and those of liberalism in the broadest sense of the notion.Show less
This paper looks at whether something more than the system of individual rights is required to uphold justice for the members of immigrant minority groups in liberal democracies and states. Chapter...Show moreThis paper looks at whether something more than the system of individual rights is required to uphold justice for the members of immigrant minority groups in liberal democracies and states. Chapter 1 of the paper looks at whether group membership in general provides value for individuals, because if it does not then there is no need for extra protection, as it is not desirable. On the basis that groups and group membership is valuable in some way, chapter 2 examines whether any extra protection is required, and if so what forms it could exist in. The overall argument of the paper is that while group membership is on the whole valuable for individuals, no extra system of group rights is required to ensure that justice is upheld for the members of minority groups. Groups cannot make claims as separate entities, as the only entitlements they are able to claim are on behalf of their individual members. The existing system of individual rights and universal standards of justice is sufficient as it stands.Show less
In this study is been examined the stance of the Kemalist elite towards liberalism as a competing political program of modernization and as one opposed to that of the RPP (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi –...Show moreIn this study is been examined the stance of the Kemalist elite towards liberalism as a competing political program of modernization and as one opposed to that of the RPP (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi – Republican People’s Party) in the period of 1922-1945. According to the prevalent viewpoint in most of historical analyses of the early republican history of Turkey, the path to the formation of the new state and the viewpoint of the ruling elite clashed with the liberal ideal. The hybrid ideological nature of Kemalism, as the dominant trend of Turkish nationalism, and its distance from other existing paradigms is clearly captured by Mustafa Kemal (Atatürk)’s phrase uttered during the debate on the abolition of the sultanate, ‘Biz bize benzeriz’ (We resemble ourselves). Through the study of the government’s acts and the intellectual debates of the period, I show that certain aspects of liberalism, such as constitution, rule of law, popular sovereignty and representative government, are an organic part of any modern political system, including Turkey's, and that any state has to adopt at least some of them if it is to be regarded as modern.Show less
