The Quina flaking system is a relatively new Middle Palaeolithic lithic technocomplex recognized and studied until now only in Southwestern France. It has been argued that this technology was...Show moreThe Quina flaking system is a relatively new Middle Palaeolithic lithic technocomplex recognized and studied until now only in Southwestern France. It has been argued that this technology was developed by Neanderthal groups to cope with the decreasing global temperatures and the environmental changes of the last glaciation. The Quina system, until now, is largely unattested in North Europe, where the glacial climate was more pronounced. Why is a technology evolved for the survival in cold environments absent in regions particularly affected by the glaciation? The presence of this technology in the Northern fringes of the Neanderthals’ ecological niche might shed light on the reasons behind Neanderthals’ technological behaviour. It might further provide important clues for a better understanding of whether the variability in the Middle Palaeolithic archaeological record derives from cultural diversity or functional/technical necessities or other factors. This research identifies, through quantitative and qualitative analyses, and comparative studies of lithic materials, the technological traces of unretouched flakes from the site of Colmont-Ponderosa (South Limburg, the Netherlands). This study confirms that at some point during the last glaciation, the Neanderthal groups were users of the Quina technology. The presence of this technology in the North and at such a distance (around seven-hundred kilometers) from the closest certain Quina sites might be the result of techno-cultural convergence. But it might also indicate the point of origin of this technology, which was later dispersed to the Sout, when the environment became too harsh, or it might indicate a dispersal from the South to the North. To confirm this hypothesis a re-evaluation of other Northern assemblages is necessary: if the Quina technology is present at Colmont-Ponderosa, it could be present elsewhere, overlooked because of the relative novelty of the Quina technocomplex.Show less
Climate change has had an influence on hominin evolution for quite some time and led to several speciation and adaptation events. With the later hominin species climate change has less of an impact...Show moreClimate change has had an influence on hominin evolution for quite some time and led to several speciation and adaptation events. With the later hominin species climate change has less of an impact, and extinction theories for the Neanderthals tend to lean in other directions. Despite this, the role of climate change in the Neanderthal extinction is not clear. Older research tended to be focused on global climate records that might not be representative of the smaller climate differences across highly geographically diverse continents. This research provides an overview of local palaeoenvironmental reconstructions for the period of the Middle to Upper Palaeolithic transition in research from 2015-2021 and focuses on the different proxies and climate factors, the stability of the climate, the scale of the research performed, and the perceived influence of climate change on local Neanderthal extinctions. These will be compared per major region (Iberian Peninsula, Apennine Peninsula, Balkan Peninsula, and mid-latitude Europe) in order to determine if any patterns exist. The results show a diversity in the applied proxies and a general trend of deteriorating climate around the time of the Neanderthal extinction. The majority of the research concludes that climate change did not play a major role in the Neanderthal extinction. Despite this, there are some anomalous locations that do not agree with the general consensus this overview produced. Future research at these locations could provide information to nuance the current picture of climate change or corroborate the overall consensus.Show less
The Neanderthal extinction is not fully understood and there is no common consensus on the date of the demise of Neanderthals in Europe. In the Crimean peninsula, located in south-eastern Europe,...Show moreThe Neanderthal extinction is not fully understood and there is no common consensus on the date of the demise of Neanderthals in Europe. In the Crimean peninsula, located in south-eastern Europe, there is evidence for a longer persistence. This thesis investigates the late Neanderthal persistence on the Crimean peninsula. The foraging radius and the settlement patterns of the Crimean Micoquian and the Western Crimean Mousterian are discussed together with analysis of the known radiocarbon dates to gain understanding of the correlation between them. To test the hypothesis that the foraging radius impacted the longer persistence of Neanderthals populations, secondary literature has been analyzed regarding the environmental, lithic and faunal assemblages. The results show that the foraging radius is difficult to determine but it did not have a major influence on the persistence of Neanderthals in Crimea. The radiocarbon datings together with the environmental data concur with the later persistence of Neanderthal populations. Moreover, the Crimean Micoquian was highly adapted in Crimea and especially the mountainous region. The adaptation together with the seasonal movement of prey led to more interaction between Neanderthal populations, which resulted in a potentially higher fitness. This needs to be tested in future research by, for example, the extraction of aDNA from samples of soil of Late Middle Palaeolithic sites. The limitations with this method of testing are the lack of Neanderthal fossils dating to this late period and the presence of palimpsest in many of the Late Middle Palaeolithic sites. Additionally, Russian and Ukrainian literature from previous excavations needs to be translated and re-evaluated to gain more knowledge about the Crimean Middle Palaeolithic as a whole.Show less
Research master thesis | Archaeology (research) (MA/MSc)
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A database of Neanderthal raw material transports and fauna from assemblages across Europe has been compiled with the aim to explore the evolution of the Neanderthals’ mobility behaviour with...Show moreA database of Neanderthal raw material transports and fauna from assemblages across Europe has been compiled with the aim to explore the evolution of the Neanderthals’ mobility behaviour with regard to the environment from the beginning of the Late Saalian (191 ka BP) to the demise of Neanderthals (40 ka BP). Mobility, as observed from the lithic transports in the Palaeolithic, is often interpreted as mirroring the social organisation of a group. As the study of Neanderthal mobility normally focuses on the maximum transport distances of lithics, such a methodology is seen as inadequate because three equifinal processes (subsistence activity, social transactions, and semi-random lithic scavenging) can account for these distances. Here, two different indicators of Neanderthal mobility are created based on the transport distances, quantities, and number of utilised raw material sources. These mobility variables and their relationship to the changing environment are then analysed using novel statistical techniques.Show less
In 2011 Clarkson and Hiscock (2011) presented several regression models for flakes with different platform types used to estimate original flake mass based on platform surface area and external...Show moreIn 2011 Clarkson and Hiscock (2011) presented several regression models for flakes with different platform types used to estimate original flake mass based on platform surface area and external platform angle in order to measure reduction intensity on lithic tools. In addition to subsampling and adding external platform surface area, Clarkson and Hiscock increased the accuracy of the regression models by using a 3D laser scanner to measure platform surface area. Most previous studies multiplied platform width and thickness as an estimate of platform surface area. In this thesis, the regression models created by Clarkson and Hiscock were tested on an archaeological sample from Colmont-Ponderosa, a Middle Palaeolithic site in Limburg, the Netherlands. Instead of a 3D laser scanner, photogrammetry was used to create 3D models. It was found that Clarkson and Hiscock’s models are not applicable on the Colmont-Ponderosa sample. New models were created using the same procedure as Clarkson and Hiscock. In addition to platform type subgroups, flake shape subgroups were made. Creating subsamples based on platform type did not influence the correlation between mass and platform surface area. Subsampling based on flake shape resulted in slightly increased correlation, probably because broader flakes have a higher mass to platform surface area than other flakes. Even though a positive linear correlation between external platform angle and mass was found, this variable was not very influential on the final regression models. It was concluded that the newly created regression models are much better at predicting original flake mass for the Colmont-Ponderosa sample. Mass predictions of individual flakes are still not very accurate, which might result in faulty results when introducing new data.Show less
Research master thesis | Archaeology (research) (MA/MSc)
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The production of bifacial tools is one of the main technological strategies practiced throughout both the Lower and Middle Palaeolithic of northwestern Europe (MIS 15 – 3; ca. 600-35 ka BP)....Show moreThe production of bifacial tools is one of the main technological strategies practiced throughout both the Lower and Middle Palaeolithic of northwestern Europe (MIS 15 – 3; ca. 600-35 ka BP). Within the broad definition of this tool category, there exist wide variation in morphological and technological properties. Additionally, the occurrence of particular biface types seems to vary, both chronologically, as well as geographically. Nowadays, many archaeologists focus on the steering mechanisms behind the observed variations and in doing so apply different methodologies. The bifacial objects used in this thesis to address these broader theoretical questions come from the southern Netherlands, a thus far marginally explored area when it comes to Palaeolithic archaeology. Published data on bifaces is combined with object registrations in the national database (ARCHIS) and primary descriptions of bifacial objects by the author to form a comprehensive dataset of 122 bifacial objects in total. Primarily, these objects are typologically classified with the help of a synthesized methodological framework that combines the main northwestern European typological traditions. The outcome of this analysis shows that the overall typological variation in bifacial objects from the southern Netherlands is more diverse than currently envisaged, which has direct consequences for the conceptualization of Lower and Middle Palaeolithic occupation of the research area. Consecutively, hypotheses for the observed variations in bifacial tool morphology are explored. Despite the limited chronostratigraphic information available for basically all objects, the combined analysis of associated geological formations, their age implications, and the distribution of particular tool types throughout norhtwestern Europe suggests that chronological differentiation in bifacial tool morphology occurs in the research area. At the same time, this explanation does not seem to fully explain the overall variation. Therefore, the technological aspects of morphological variation are explored as well. Scar pattern analysis is performed on four bifaces and shows that these all display long and extended artefact biographies during which likely different phases of use, re-use and recycling occurred. Based on the technological properties of the overall dataset it is proposed that economizing behaviours, in combination with different functional desires, have strongly affected biface morphology in the research area. The final hypothesis explaining variation is that of socio-cultural interactions. A re-analysis of bifacial tools from Sint Geertruid, previously used in such models by other researchers, in combination with their depositional context shows that the current dataset is unsuited for contributing to supra-regional contemporaneous cultural interactions between Neanderthal groups. This examination of the bifacial record of the southern Netherlands has shown that this material has higher potential for understanding hominin occupation and behaviour in this particular region than is currently being exploited. Finally, some suggestions for how to come to such understandings are proposed.Show less
This thesis presents the results of various analyses of the non-flint stone assemblage from Neumark-Nord 2/2 findhorizon. The excavations that took place from 2004 until 2008 in Neumark-Nord 2 lake...Show moreThis thesis presents the results of various analyses of the non-flint stone assemblage from Neumark-Nord 2/2 findhorizon. The excavations that took place from 2004 until 2008 in Neumark-Nord 2 lake basin, located in Saxony-Anhalt, Germany, uncovered a large amount of faunal remains (130.000) and flint artefacts (20.000). Among the flint artefacts, excavators, also, collected 503 stones other than flint. The various rock types present in the assemblage are locally derived as they were found in the glacial till at the base of NN2 basin; However, the non-flint stones were interpreted as ‘manuports’, a term which mainly refers to objects that were transported by human agency and they do not show traces of modification. This thesis deals with this non-flint stone assemblage. The purpose of this study is, primarily, to identify the raw materials present within the non-flint stone assemblage and the determination of the most likely source of the materials identified. To do this, I conducted a technological analysis that included size classification, the identification of the raw materials, the hardness, grain size, natural surface, as well as, the level and type of post depositional surface modifications (PDSM). The second purpose of this study concerns the distinction of non-flint stones that show traces of anthropogenic modification or use. A functional analysis containing variables, such as stone type modification, modification per raw material, fragmentation and a weight distribution will contribute to answer my aim. In addition, the following step is to identify and examine the use-wear traces and correlate the modified non-flint stones with a macro-lithic tool typology. A use-wear analysis with variables, such as type of use-wear, location of the use-wear, as well as, the contact material involved occurred. The results demonstrated the presence of various modified non-flint stones, as well as macro-lithic tools, proving the misconception of these non-flint stones as ‘manuports’. Within the non-flint stone assemblage, macro-lithic tools are present, such as hammerstones and anvils. Moreover, within the modified assemblage, stones were interpreted as flaked stones, simple flakes and heated stones. Depending on the type of use-wear identified, as well as the contact material involved, results shown that percussion activities were taking place at the site of NN2, reaffirming previous assumptions that Neumark-Nord 2/2 was used as a knapping locale.Show less
Decades of research on the role and frequency of fire use in human evolution have only yielded a blurred understanding of the chronology of anthropogenic fire practise. This predicament has by and...Show moreDecades of research on the role and frequency of fire use in human evolution have only yielded a blurred understanding of the chronology of anthropogenic fire practise. This predicament has by and large resulted from an ambiguous archaeological record, issues of preservation of fire residues, as well as undefined frameworks for the scientific study of anthropogenic fire. In fact, besides stirring scholarly debates that in many ways has produced more heat than light, very little actual progress has been made in the last decade with regards to the general understanding of when and where various fire practices (i.e. controlled, opportunistic, and habitual) have emerged. Instead, variable length chronologies have been developed in which various researchers read and interpret the same evidence of fire in a variety of ways. This thesis sets out to add some clarity to the debate by 1) providing a comparative analysis of the various chronologies, with a focus on testing the strengths and weaknesses of the shorter chronologies against the wider background of fire evidence, i.e. the long chronologies; 2) by examining major challenges hindering any considerable progress in establishing a sound and agreed upon chronological framework for fire use and its subsequent production during the Pleistocene Period; and 3) by providing practical solutions and suggestions on directions for future research.Show less
The research examines Neanderthal fossil sites containing more than one individual and investigates the existence of Neanderthal mortuary spaces, a place associated with death, among them. An...Show moreThe research examines Neanderthal fossil sites containing more than one individual and investigates the existence of Neanderthal mortuary spaces, a place associated with death, among them. An overview of Neanderthal fossil sites with respect to the number of individuals indicates that almost 50% contains more than one individuals. The ones with more than five individuals are studied in detail concerning the main features of mortuary space: multiple burial, spatial organization and temporal restriction. At least three sites (La Ferrassie, Shanidar and Amud) appear to be mortuary spaces. On these sites multiple burial and spatial organization are evident but temporal restriction is hard to detect in the existing documentation. No general patterns were detected but traditions within sites are clear. Local natural elements are highly involved in burial structures and in spatial organization, indicating creative landscape use, which could account for the locality of traditions. The existence of mortuary space suggests modernity in Neanderthals behaviour. It also implies that mortuary behaviour emerged gradually and existed in elaborate ways in other species than ours.Show less
Tracing the origins of ‘modernity’ in the archaeological record has been an ongoing, and often heavily debated topic of discussion in the field of human origins for quite some time. Cognitive...Show moreTracing the origins of ‘modernity’ in the archaeological record has been an ongoing, and often heavily debated topic of discussion in the field of human origins for quite some time. Cognitive modernity – generally defined as the manifestation of complex language and abstract thought – is often inferred from various perceived innovations in material culture that are believed to indicate behavioral modernity (e.g. parietal art, personal adornment, bone tool technology, hafting technology, etc.). One of the more contentious facets of this debate is the subject of fire production during the time when controlled use of fire appeared to become a requisite component of the hominin technological repertoire: the Middle Palaeolithic. The mere presence of traces of fire on a site is not necessarily indicative that it was kindled by artificial means, however. To determine this, one must seek out the ‘tools of the trade’, which for this period were likely flint ‘strike-a-lights’ forcibly applied to fragments of sulphuric iron (more commonly known as marcasite or pyrite). Unfortunately, definitive examples of these tools are conspicuously absent in the archaeological record during the Middle Palaeolithic. Surprisingly, this trend appears to extend even into the early Upper Palaeolithic when modern human colonizers were pouring into Europe. In fact – contrary to the commonly held belief that modern humans were proficient fire-makers by this time – physical evidence of this technology does not appear with any regularity in the modern human tool kit until the mid- to late Upper Palaeolithic despite very regular use of fire by these peoples. One possible reason for this is simply hominids were obligate fire users (as opposed to producers) through the Middle Palaeolithic into the early Upper Palaeolithic. An alternate scenario advocated in this thesis is that both modern humans and Neandertals from the Middle Palaeolithic onward were likely able to make fire at will, but the tools they used to perform this task have not been recognized as such in the archaeological record. Drawing inspiration from the apparent ‘ad hoc’ nature of Middle Palaeolithic lithic technology, this thesis advocates what is called the ‘expedient strike-a-light’ hypothesis. It contends that early strike-a-lights were not formalized tools used to kindle numerous fires such as those recovered from later time periods. Instead, this study postulates strike-a-lights were either A) fashioned from simple, readymade flakes, utilized for only a short while – perhaps for just a single fire-making episode – and then discarded; or B) tools or small flake cores already on hand were expediently used as strike-a-lights. In this latter scenario, it is likely subsequent retouching of the tool would eliminate and evidence of it having been used to kindle a fire. An experimental usewear-based approach to testing the viability of this hypothesis was employed by analyzing the traces left behind on flint flake tools forcibly applied to a nodular piece of sulphuric iron for short periods of time using a variety of techniques with the express purpose of generating sparks. The findings were then compared with archaeological specimens exhibiting seemingly similar wear patterns identified during a comprehensive, low-magnification examination of the lithic collection recovered from the Last Interglacial (~120 ka) site of Neumark-Nord 2/2 (Germany). More detailed analysis using higher magnification found that none of the segregated specimens exhibited the requisite usewear to be considered possible strike-a-lights. Nevertheless, it is the author’s contention that this initial return of negative evidence in no way diminishes the value of this study. The rich and diverse body of data provided by this study, including detailed descriptions of usewear traces observed on both experimental flint strike-a-lights and the sulphuric iron contact material; supporting archaeological evidence culled together from extant literature; preliminary experimental statistical data concerning strike-a-light efficacy; and the novel methods outlined by the ‘expedient strike-a-light’ hypothesis, all combine to provide a solid foundation for future research seeking to shed light on the origins of man-made fire.Show less
